Resistance Writings 2016
Eviction in Rialto Cottages today , heartbreaking to see a true Rialto man being put out of his home , because he was`nt on the rent book . The Artisans sold some of the cottages off years ago for less than E4000 to Ticknock Holdings and Folio homes , The Buildings . Very sad to see the week before Christmas . They would have been getting rent from this property for all those years . A chap that buired his only brother some months ago . His family have been in this cottage for nearly a century , he was willing to pay what ever rent that they wanted , but they were not interested , A man on a motor bike was watching him as he left to do some work , then got in the window and changed the locks . He could not get back in to even have a wash . He would only let him in when it suited and that was to get his stuff out , he rang me this morning very early as they were throwing belongings of his family out in the street while raining . A neighbour rang him the other morning as a man in a taxi took his toolbox away , that was brought back today by the man who was driving the lorry . I`ll ask you all , is this what those people of 1916 died for less than a mile away ?
Co-archived Paddy Lyne
Words from Apollo house....A small part of a chat with one of Irelands newest housed.
I was talking to one lad and he said " i spent years on the streets, in hostels, in prison and uv ta watch your back, watch your clothes it never stops. But here, here is just so safe, safe and clam. This cost nothing but other hostels and centres cost millions and no one could do what yous have done. Its got the makings of history, its already made fucking history.
Im having a laugh. For the first time in as many years im buzzing and talking to people without watch over me shoulder"
~ newly housed Apollo resident
Thats Apollo house. Well done to the start team and all who stood with support or simply talked about #APOLLOHOUSE
I was talking to one lad and he said " i spent years on the streets, in hostels, in prison and uv ta watch your back, watch your clothes it never stops. But here, here is just so safe, safe and clam. This cost nothing but other hostels and centres cost millions and no one could do what yous have done. Its got the makings of history, its already made fucking history.
Im having a laugh. For the first time in as many years im buzzing and talking to people without watch over me shoulder"
~ newly housed Apollo resident
Thats Apollo house. Well done to the start team and all who stood with support or simply talked about #APOLLOHOUSE
TOMORROW, Monday 19th December and 6 days before Christmas Day, another 182 Families are being hauled to the EVICTION Courts by the bailed out banks and vulture funds in Tullamore (34), Dublin (12), Limerick (8 that we know of), Roscommon (24), Bray (33), Cork (13) and Waterford (58)…
If you are from County Offaly, Dublin, Limerick, Roscommon, Wicklow, Cork or Waterford, it would help greatly if you could send an email to your local TD's (a draft of the email can be seen at the end of this post). They can no longer be allowed to deny knowledge of this Land Grab and assault on families in their own Constituencies. A phone call to their Constituency offices would help too!
YOUR TD's email address is [email protected]
SUBJECT LINE FOR EMAIL: Repossession Cases in XXXXX Circuit Court on XX.XX.2016.
Dear XXXXX,
I would like to make you aware that there are XXX Repossession cases in the Circuit Court in XXXXXXX today. As a constituent of yours, I would be obliged if you could reply to my email letting me know what you as my local TD are doing to resolve this horrendous crisis.
Yours sincerely,
XXXXXXXXXXXX
Every TD’s Constituency office should also receive a telephone call informing them of the amount of repossession cases in their own constituencies. A message should be left with the TD’s Secretary as the TD will most likely not be in his/her office.
If enough people do this in each constituency, our uncaring TD's and County Councillors will no longer be in a position to claim they were not aware that these proceedings were taking place.
If you are from County Offaly, Dublin, Limerick, Roscommon, Wicklow, Cork or Waterford, it would help greatly if you could send an email to your local TD's (a draft of the email can be seen at the end of this post). They can no longer be allowed to deny knowledge of this Land Grab and assault on families in their own Constituencies. A phone call to their Constituency offices would help too!
YOUR TD's email address is [email protected]
SUBJECT LINE FOR EMAIL: Repossession Cases in XXXXX Circuit Court on XX.XX.2016.
Dear XXXXX,
I would like to make you aware that there are XXX Repossession cases in the Circuit Court in XXXXXXX today. As a constituent of yours, I would be obliged if you could reply to my email letting me know what you as my local TD are doing to resolve this horrendous crisis.
Yours sincerely,
XXXXXXXXXXXX
Every TD’s Constituency office should also receive a telephone call informing them of the amount of repossession cases in their own constituencies. A message should be left with the TD’s Secretary as the TD will most likely not be in his/her office.
If enough people do this in each constituency, our uncaring TD's and County Councillors will no longer be in a position to claim they were not aware that these proceedings were taking place.
Co-archived Ken Smollen
Ireland’s housing crisis, how did we get here?
Who are the homeless families?
The numbers of homeless families in Ireland has disgusted and shocked the people of Ireland, and this week we saw celebrities join in with campaigners to overtake Apollo House. HomeSweetHome is a welcome and refreshing campaign, and hopefully it will put pressure on the Government. SPARK campaign fully supports this initiative and we wish to put our stamp out there. Looking at the homeless figures it is lone parents who make up the biggest bulk of homeless families. One parent families account for 66% of Ireland’s homeless families. To put that into context, one parent families nationally represent one in four families, but are represented as seven out of ten homeless families. How did we get here?
We are here for numerous reasons. The first and most known reason, lack of social housing, and a continued policy by our Government to not build social housing. The other reasons are the combination of sustained attacks on lone parents. The cuts to Rent Allowance back in 2012, SPARK warned it would lead to a homeless crisis for our families. Today we unfortunately stand corrected on that claim. The means testing of FIS to Rent Allowance although not often highlighted placed a huge burden that disproportionally hit lone parents. The cuts to lone parent families’ income played a huge role, and no other sector of society suffered the percentage loss of incomes we did. Not only are our families suffering the highest rates of child poverty, we are the biggest chunk of homeless families. Whatever debate or movement comes out of HomeSweetHome the housing crisis cannot be resolved without looking at the issues facing lone parent families.
The Magdalene laundries maybe gone, but discrimination of our families has not moved on.
That is not our shame, it is theirs.
Get active and get involved we all deserve a HomeSweeHome for Christmas.
Who are the homeless families?
The numbers of homeless families in Ireland has disgusted and shocked the people of Ireland, and this week we saw celebrities join in with campaigners to overtake Apollo House. HomeSweetHome is a welcome and refreshing campaign, and hopefully it will put pressure on the Government. SPARK campaign fully supports this initiative and we wish to put our stamp out there. Looking at the homeless figures it is lone parents who make up the biggest bulk of homeless families. One parent families account for 66% of Ireland’s homeless families. To put that into context, one parent families nationally represent one in four families, but are represented as seven out of ten homeless families. How did we get here?
We are here for numerous reasons. The first and most known reason, lack of social housing, and a continued policy by our Government to not build social housing. The other reasons are the combination of sustained attacks on lone parents. The cuts to Rent Allowance back in 2012, SPARK warned it would lead to a homeless crisis for our families. Today we unfortunately stand corrected on that claim. The means testing of FIS to Rent Allowance although not often highlighted placed a huge burden that disproportionally hit lone parents. The cuts to lone parent families’ income played a huge role, and no other sector of society suffered the percentage loss of incomes we did. Not only are our families suffering the highest rates of child poverty, we are the biggest chunk of homeless families. Whatever debate or movement comes out of HomeSweetHome the housing crisis cannot be resolved without looking at the issues facing lone parent families.
The Magdalene laundries maybe gone, but discrimination of our families has not moved on.
That is not our shame, it is theirs.
Get active and get involved we all deserve a HomeSweeHome for Christmas.
Co-archived Irish Single Parents Fight Back
Dear Minister Coveney,
I am not an Irish citizen, but I came to Ireland leaving my home country, which I love and where I use to find the comfort of being around my friends and family, but I didn´t have a job.
I found Ireland a friendly and warm place (not weather speaking) where I could start my career and make a new life without the struggle of a country that was broken into pieces. However this vision has changed over the last 3 years and it is all linked to the house crisis Ireland is going through.
I recently found that IRES, the real estate agent that manages my apartment is the biggest landlord in Ireland. It´s kind of funny when you see on the website that IRES’s operational strategy is to deliver superior customer service, enhance tenant retention, and deliver quality homes.
Well, let me tell you what this profitable company is doing. It is squeezing a tenant´s salary until they have no other option than leaving their homes so that IRES can increase the “market rate” price and find another victim of their actions.
Their policy of tenant retention would be something similar to this:
Increasing up to €250 per month, an already expensive 2 bedroom apartment that cost €1350/month. Why! Because when you bring this kind of case to the RTB, you even have to thank IRES for that ‘low’ increase because they will bring a comparable dwelling (that they manage, of course), which currently has an inflated price to show that it is the fairly named “market rate”.
I have to admit that my situation is not the worst, I still can manage to pay my current rent at the expense of cutting social outgoing, visitng my home country or even postponing our wish of starting a family.
The time to implement proper security of tenure mesures and rent controls in the private rental market has already passed.
I understand it is difficult to emphatize with someone who is in a situation that you know you´ll never be in, but I´m asking you to really put yourself in tenants shoes and think for a moment that the rent gouging is affecting Ireland´s economy little by little, creating a bigger amount of people close to poverty.
You have the power to change it. Let´s make it happen
I support the DTA submission for a third generation rent controls measures.
Your sincerely
Spanish expat, Irish tenant
I am not an Irish citizen, but I came to Ireland leaving my home country, which I love and where I use to find the comfort of being around my friends and family, but I didn´t have a job.
I found Ireland a friendly and warm place (not weather speaking) where I could start my career and make a new life without the struggle of a country that was broken into pieces. However this vision has changed over the last 3 years and it is all linked to the house crisis Ireland is going through.
I recently found that IRES, the real estate agent that manages my apartment is the biggest landlord in Ireland. It´s kind of funny when you see on the website that IRES’s operational strategy is to deliver superior customer service, enhance tenant retention, and deliver quality homes.
Well, let me tell you what this profitable company is doing. It is squeezing a tenant´s salary until they have no other option than leaving their homes so that IRES can increase the “market rate” price and find another victim of their actions.
Their policy of tenant retention would be something similar to this:
Increasing up to €250 per month, an already expensive 2 bedroom apartment that cost €1350/month. Why! Because when you bring this kind of case to the RTB, you even have to thank IRES for that ‘low’ increase because they will bring a comparable dwelling (that they manage, of course), which currently has an inflated price to show that it is the fairly named “market rate”.
I have to admit that my situation is not the worst, I still can manage to pay my current rent at the expense of cutting social outgoing, visitng my home country or even postponing our wish of starting a family.
The time to implement proper security of tenure mesures and rent controls in the private rental market has already passed.
I understand it is difficult to emphatize with someone who is in a situation that you know you´ll never be in, but I´m asking you to really put yourself in tenants shoes and think for a moment that the rent gouging is affecting Ireland´s economy little by little, creating a bigger amount of people close to poverty.
You have the power to change it. Let´s make it happen
I support the DTA submission for a third generation rent controls measures.
Your sincerely
Spanish expat, Irish tenant
Co-archived Dublin Tenants Association
Hi Folks,
As people on the coalface seeing lots of civil bills for possession etc. I just wished to share the following with you, especially now after the concept of jurisdiction has reared its head... If there is something in it for you then great. It is based on a conversation I had with a man who knows a lot about the law but wouldn't necessarily push his ideas/findings. I asked him if I could use what he said and apply it to this current scenario as I see a possible link in it all........
his assertion is that the 2013 law reform ACT did not in ANY way resolve the issues re: Justice Dunne's ruling re: 2009 bill. He says there is a lot of smoke and mirrors in the 2013 reform bill but the actual Rule that is relied upon to gain 'possession' is neither established, clarified or defined.....in essence her findings still stand....
- he suggested that if you were to look at any CIVIL BILL FOR POSSESSION, then NO affadavit will lay out the actual Rule of Law the alleged plaintiffs are relying upon to gain redress. There will be plenty about arrears, charges, mortgages in default etc...but nowhere will there be the rule that they are relying upon to get their 'justice'.....and to take this to its logical conclusion, one cannot gain remedy if one cannot rely upon a law for same......
now if this is true then it could be very significant...you guys see lots of these docs...if indeed they do refer to a rule then maybe it is time that rule was truly investigated - if not then surely there is no jurisdiction available to ANY court to gain possession.....(the few affadavits I have looked at do not lay out grounds for seeking remedy, bar that the 'defendant' is in default for monies 'owed' etc etc ).....
If there is no rule they are relying upon then an alleged 'defendant' could well say, 'Judge it is my assertion this alleged plaintiff seeks to possess my home because they do not like the colour I painted it and they wish to repaint it'.....that would make as much sense as repossessing a house based on no Law.......
Since Justice Murphy's ruling was on such a technicality maybe the bigger picture does get missed - i.e. that regardless of monetary jurisdiction limits no court can repossess a house because there is no law that allows it..?......
my conscience wouldn't let me not pass this info on....if you can deconstruct it fine don't worry I won't be insulted, but if it helps then all the better.......
over to you guys......
cheers
As people on the coalface seeing lots of civil bills for possession etc. I just wished to share the following with you, especially now after the concept of jurisdiction has reared its head... If there is something in it for you then great. It is based on a conversation I had with a man who knows a lot about the law but wouldn't necessarily push his ideas/findings. I asked him if I could use what he said and apply it to this current scenario as I see a possible link in it all........
his assertion is that the 2013 law reform ACT did not in ANY way resolve the issues re: Justice Dunne's ruling re: 2009 bill. He says there is a lot of smoke and mirrors in the 2013 reform bill but the actual Rule that is relied upon to gain 'possession' is neither established, clarified or defined.....in essence her findings still stand....
- he suggested that if you were to look at any CIVIL BILL FOR POSSESSION, then NO affadavit will lay out the actual Rule of Law the alleged plaintiffs are relying upon to gain redress. There will be plenty about arrears, charges, mortgages in default etc...but nowhere will there be the rule that they are relying upon to get their 'justice'.....and to take this to its logical conclusion, one cannot gain remedy if one cannot rely upon a law for same......
now if this is true then it could be very significant...you guys see lots of these docs...if indeed they do refer to a rule then maybe it is time that rule was truly investigated - if not then surely there is no jurisdiction available to ANY court to gain possession.....(the few affadavits I have looked at do not lay out grounds for seeking remedy, bar that the 'defendant' is in default for monies 'owed' etc etc ).....
If there is no rule they are relying upon then an alleged 'defendant' could well say, 'Judge it is my assertion this alleged plaintiff seeks to possess my home because they do not like the colour I painted it and they wish to repaint it'.....that would make as much sense as repossessing a house based on no Law.......
Since Justice Murphy's ruling was on such a technicality maybe the bigger picture does get missed - i.e. that regardless of monetary jurisdiction limits no court can repossess a house because there is no law that allows it..?......
my conscience wouldn't let me not pass this info on....if you can deconstruct it fine don't worry I won't be insulted, but if it helps then all the better.......
over to you guys......
cheers
Co-archived The Hub - Ireland
A homeless man living in the ruins of a Dublin castle has issued a desperate plea for sanctuary after he was assaulted as he slept.
Thomas McKeown (55), from Dun Laoghaire, has been homeless for two years after his rent increased to beyond an affordable point.
Thomas McKeown (55), from Dun Laoghaire, has been homeless for two years after his rent increased to beyond an affordable point.
Co-archived Robbie Kearns
If you carried out a £55 MILLION robbery you'd need somewhere to launder the money before being able to spend it. Well, here's the ideal solution. Come over to little old Ireland where politicians look the other way and set up a mortgage lending company called Home Funding Corporation Ltd. If questions are asked, just change the name to Vivier Mortgages Ltd. and then add more confusion by changing the name to Elstree Mortgages Ltd. If more questions are asked just change your own name and head off for New Zealand. Anyway, whatever you do, deny everything and don't worry about the unsuspecting home owners who are now being pursued through the Irish EVICTION courts where their homes can be 'legally' stolen from them... now don't worry about a little bit of fraud here and a little bit of corruption there. Everything will be grand as you can be assured that Irish politicians will look the other way...
Co-archived Ken Smollen
Dear God, there is something wrong in Ireland:
I was up early this morning and decided to have a look at the Circuit Court for the month of October, well I am in shock.
I thought I would have a look at the four pillar banks and how many families they have in the Circuit Court, I picked the first one; Ulster. Ulster Bank has 626 family homes up for possession and then it got worse.
I put ptsb into the search engine: shock, the Ulster bank 626 pales into insignificance, you would have to times ptsb by 10, and we own them ffs.
So I gave up trying to list out the Pillar Banks, the ‘other’ Banks and the Sub-prime lenders, so I changed tack.
Number crunching for the month of October ( 1 Month !! )
There are 2,682 family homes up for possession for the month of October (+/- but a few). On average there is a 4-month adjournment, so I would say you have to times that figure by 4, which give another figure of ten thousand plus.
In a year there are 3 – 4 months sections [less breaks and holidays], well by my estimation; we now have a figure of twenty five to thirty thousand families up before the Circuit Court this year.
That could be considered a wild estimate but one thing is true and real: 2682 families this month: plus the 850 in the Judges list for October and then we have the unknown figure that are still in the High Court.
So when I said Dear God, it should have started “who is lying”?
There may not be a lot of ‘ Possession ‘ orders given, if we are to believe the media, however, there are over 10,000 people sick with fear in the C.C system (and the rest…! ), trying, desperately to keep a roof over their heads, as we speak !!!
The corporate that is the Circuit Court:
With 2682 families in the Circuit Court it relates to an income for the Corporate Courts for the month of October: wait for it:: €388,890.00. that is just the stamping duty on Civil Bills and Affidavit’s.
Do you want to times that by the 25 thousand people estimated to be in the Circuit Court + well over 9 million in one year.
A Civil Bill for Possession costs €130.00
An Affidavit costs €15.00
A Motion costs €60.00
An Ex Parte doc’ costs €130.00
Then you have the Solicitors fees, the Barristers fees and where does it get passed onto?
YOU. If and when you loose your case: costs the banks zero.
I was up early this morning and decided to have a look at the Circuit Court for the month of October, well I am in shock.
I thought I would have a look at the four pillar banks and how many families they have in the Circuit Court, I picked the first one; Ulster. Ulster Bank has 626 family homes up for possession and then it got worse.
I put ptsb into the search engine: shock, the Ulster bank 626 pales into insignificance, you would have to times ptsb by 10, and we own them ffs.
So I gave up trying to list out the Pillar Banks, the ‘other’ Banks and the Sub-prime lenders, so I changed tack.
Number crunching for the month of October ( 1 Month !! )
There are 2,682 family homes up for possession for the month of October (+/- but a few). On average there is a 4-month adjournment, so I would say you have to times that figure by 4, which give another figure of ten thousand plus.
In a year there are 3 – 4 months sections [less breaks and holidays], well by my estimation; we now have a figure of twenty five to thirty thousand families up before the Circuit Court this year.
That could be considered a wild estimate but one thing is true and real: 2682 families this month: plus the 850 in the Judges list for October and then we have the unknown figure that are still in the High Court.
So when I said Dear God, it should have started “who is lying”?
There may not be a lot of ‘ Possession ‘ orders given, if we are to believe the media, however, there are over 10,000 people sick with fear in the C.C system (and the rest…! ), trying, desperately to keep a roof over their heads, as we speak !!!
The corporate that is the Circuit Court:
With 2682 families in the Circuit Court it relates to an income for the Corporate Courts for the month of October: wait for it:: €388,890.00. that is just the stamping duty on Civil Bills and Affidavit’s.
Do you want to times that by the 25 thousand people estimated to be in the Circuit Court + well over 9 million in one year.
A Civil Bill for Possession costs €130.00
An Affidavit costs €15.00
A Motion costs €60.00
An Ex Parte doc’ costs €130.00
Then you have the Solicitors fees, the Barristers fees and where does it get passed onto?
YOU. If and when you loose your case: costs the banks zero.
Co-archived Byron Jenkins
"Homelessness campaigners have hit out at comments by a Sinn Fein councillor, who suggested families in Dublin are making themselves homeless in order to secure social housing.
The claim was made by Noeleen Reilly at Dublin City Council's Housing Committee.
"I know families that have done it," she said, according to a report by RTE. "They are fearful of their future and their own security, that's why it's happening."
She said it was happening on a "big enough scale" as families using homelessness services are given a house within two years, instead of waiting 15 years on the housing list."
The claim was made by Noeleen Reilly at Dublin City Council's Housing Committee.
"I know families that have done it," she said, according to a report by RTE. "They are fearful of their future and their own security, that's why it's happening."
She said it was happening on a "big enough scale" as families using homelessness services are given a house within two years, instead of waiting 15 years on the housing list."
Co-archived Joe Conlon
THE CRISIS THAT THE MEDIA IS HIDING...
TOMORROW, Monday 24th October, 552 Families will be the latest victims of the bailed out banks and vulture funds in the following EVICTION Courts -
Nenagh (61),
Galway (7),
Portlaoise (42),
Cork (7),
Cavan (66),
Waterford (19),
Dublin (83),
Wexford (194)
Naas (73)
ALL IN JUST ONE DAY!
TOMORROW, Monday 24th October, 552 Families will be the latest victims of the bailed out banks and vulture funds in the following EVICTION Courts -
Nenagh (61),
Galway (7),
Portlaoise (42),
Cork (7),
Cavan (66),
Waterford (19),
Dublin (83),
Wexford (194)
Naas (73)
ALL IN JUST ONE DAY!
Co-archived Ken Smollen
You might want to sit down for this...Tenants have more rights when buying a chicken sandwich from a deli than when renting a home.
Dr Michael Byrne writes:
Budget 2017 was another slap in the face for tenants in the private rented sector.
The main housing initiative was the so-called ‘help to buy’ scheme which will make it possible for people spending €600,000 on a three bedroom semi-detached home get €20,000 for the state (although this will ultimately be absorbed by the developer via increased house prices).
Landlords got some nice additional tax breaks. But tenants, who have seen average rent increases of 40% in the last three years, got nothing.
Many of us were already left speechless when the government’s Rebuilding Ireland housing plan failed to include a single measure for the private rented sector. This leaves all hope resting on Minister for Housing Simon Coveney’s forthcoming National Strategy for the private rental sector.
For this strategy to have any impact, however, it must get beyond the narrow lens of ‘supply’ which has dominated the debate so far.
This approach is based on a straightforward idea: if we have more supply of rental accommodation, rent increases will stabilize and everyone will be able to find a place to live.
Let’s set aside for a moment the obvious problem that in the real world of the Irish housing system there is no direct correlation between supply and rent levels.
Perhaps more importantly, what is forgotten here is that private rental housing in this country is inherently dysfunctional and a contravention of the right of tenants to a home. Once we appreciate this the absurdity of focusing solely on supply becomes clear.
Let’s take a brief look at what passes for normal in the private rental sector. To take one example, during the first six months of a tenancy any landlord can evict any tenant for no reason whatsoever.
Imagine you’ve moved house. You’ve just got your routine together, the kids settled in their new bedrooms, the school run and morning commute figured out. Then you get a letter from your landlord saying you have 28 days (that’s right 28 days) to get out.
Why? Maybe he just doesn’t feel like it anymore. Maybe he thinks he can get more money from someone else.
In the end it doesn’t matter, because your landlord is perfectly entitled to do this.
If banks had a similar ‘grace period’ during which they could pull out of mortgage contracts or local authorities had similar eviction powers for social housing tenants it would be a national scandal. But tenants in the private rented sector don’t seem to matter so much.
Even after this ‘grace period’ of six months there are ample opportunities for landlords to evict. They may have a child, cousin, niece, nephew, aunty (etc.) who want to use the property.They may wish to sell. Maybe they want to refurbish.
All of these are, under current regulations, valid reasons to terminate a tenancy. It’s not hard to imagine abuse of these regulations by, for example, simply pretending the house is required for family use. At the Dublin Tenants Association, in which I participate, we see this every week.
In short, there is no security of tenure in the private rented sector.
Meanwhile, it is impossible to know how much you will be paying for rent this time next year. Rent increases of as much as €600 per month are not uncommon.
With average rents for a one bedroom apartment in Dublin currently around €1,200, if you are working full time on the minimum wage your rent will take up 80% of your take home pay.
The only ‘regulation’ is that landlords cannot increase the rent above the level of ‘market rent’. This is simply absurd since landlords define what the market rent is.
The key point is that in today’s world it is simply not possible to live like this. Apart from the very real risk of homelessness, how are we supposed to save, take out pensions or plan for our future on any level if the only thing we know about our housing costs is that they will go up?
The condition of accommodation in the rental sector is similarly dismaying. The reality is that today you have more rights when buying a chicken sandwich from a deli than when renting a home.
If you buy a chicken sandwich with mold on it you’ll get all of your money returned in full. If the deli keeps selling moldy produce it will be shut down. Try getting a landlord to deal with mold and the weakness of the regulations will become all too clear.
It is perfectly obvious that no one can feel secure and safe in their home in these conditions. Is this the kind of housing we want to increase the supply of? Do we want even more households to have no idea where they’ll be living next year or even next month and even less of an idea how much they’ll be paying for it?
Currently one third of all households in Dublin are in the private rental sector. Do we want 40% of even 50% of households in the capital to be subjected to the chaos, instability and woeful standards of this sector?
The answer is an emphatic no. The debate needs to change and it needs to change immediately.
Let me be very clear, housing supply needs to increase, there can be no debate about that. But we need to move away from a narrow focus on supply and recognize the necessity for radically transforming the private rental sector. This means placing security of tenure at the centre of policy reform and it means regulating the affordability of rents.
If you happen to be part of the very small minority that are developers, bankers and landlords by all means continue to focus solely on supply. After all that makes it more likely you’ll get tax incentives and other handouts from the government.
For tenants and for anyone who cares about the right to housing, however, we need to recognize that it’s time we saw a systematic change of the private rental sector for once and for all.
Dr Michael Byrne writes:
Budget 2017 was another slap in the face for tenants in the private rented sector.
The main housing initiative was the so-called ‘help to buy’ scheme which will make it possible for people spending €600,000 on a three bedroom semi-detached home get €20,000 for the state (although this will ultimately be absorbed by the developer via increased house prices).
Landlords got some nice additional tax breaks. But tenants, who have seen average rent increases of 40% in the last three years, got nothing.
Many of us were already left speechless when the government’s Rebuilding Ireland housing plan failed to include a single measure for the private rented sector. This leaves all hope resting on Minister for Housing Simon Coveney’s forthcoming National Strategy for the private rental sector.
For this strategy to have any impact, however, it must get beyond the narrow lens of ‘supply’ which has dominated the debate so far.
This approach is based on a straightforward idea: if we have more supply of rental accommodation, rent increases will stabilize and everyone will be able to find a place to live.
Let’s set aside for a moment the obvious problem that in the real world of the Irish housing system there is no direct correlation between supply and rent levels.
Perhaps more importantly, what is forgotten here is that private rental housing in this country is inherently dysfunctional and a contravention of the right of tenants to a home. Once we appreciate this the absurdity of focusing solely on supply becomes clear.
Let’s take a brief look at what passes for normal in the private rental sector. To take one example, during the first six months of a tenancy any landlord can evict any tenant for no reason whatsoever.
Imagine you’ve moved house. You’ve just got your routine together, the kids settled in their new bedrooms, the school run and morning commute figured out. Then you get a letter from your landlord saying you have 28 days (that’s right 28 days) to get out.
Why? Maybe he just doesn’t feel like it anymore. Maybe he thinks he can get more money from someone else.
In the end it doesn’t matter, because your landlord is perfectly entitled to do this.
If banks had a similar ‘grace period’ during which they could pull out of mortgage contracts or local authorities had similar eviction powers for social housing tenants it would be a national scandal. But tenants in the private rented sector don’t seem to matter so much.
Even after this ‘grace period’ of six months there are ample opportunities for landlords to evict. They may have a child, cousin, niece, nephew, aunty (etc.) who want to use the property.They may wish to sell. Maybe they want to refurbish.
All of these are, under current regulations, valid reasons to terminate a tenancy. It’s not hard to imagine abuse of these regulations by, for example, simply pretending the house is required for family use. At the Dublin Tenants Association, in which I participate, we see this every week.
In short, there is no security of tenure in the private rented sector.
Meanwhile, it is impossible to know how much you will be paying for rent this time next year. Rent increases of as much as €600 per month are not uncommon.
With average rents for a one bedroom apartment in Dublin currently around €1,200, if you are working full time on the minimum wage your rent will take up 80% of your take home pay.
The only ‘regulation’ is that landlords cannot increase the rent above the level of ‘market rent’. This is simply absurd since landlords define what the market rent is.
The key point is that in today’s world it is simply not possible to live like this. Apart from the very real risk of homelessness, how are we supposed to save, take out pensions or plan for our future on any level if the only thing we know about our housing costs is that they will go up?
The condition of accommodation in the rental sector is similarly dismaying. The reality is that today you have more rights when buying a chicken sandwich from a deli than when renting a home.
If you buy a chicken sandwich with mold on it you’ll get all of your money returned in full. If the deli keeps selling moldy produce it will be shut down. Try getting a landlord to deal with mold and the weakness of the regulations will become all too clear.
It is perfectly obvious that no one can feel secure and safe in their home in these conditions. Is this the kind of housing we want to increase the supply of? Do we want even more households to have no idea where they’ll be living next year or even next month and even less of an idea how much they’ll be paying for it?
Currently one third of all households in Dublin are in the private rental sector. Do we want 40% of even 50% of households in the capital to be subjected to the chaos, instability and woeful standards of this sector?
The answer is an emphatic no. The debate needs to change and it needs to change immediately.
Let me be very clear, housing supply needs to increase, there can be no debate about that. But we need to move away from a narrow focus on supply and recognize the necessity for radically transforming the private rental sector. This means placing security of tenure at the centre of policy reform and it means regulating the affordability of rents.
If you happen to be part of the very small minority that are developers, bankers and landlords by all means continue to focus solely on supply. After all that makes it more likely you’ll get tax incentives and other handouts from the government.
For tenants and for anyone who cares about the right to housing, however, we need to recognize that it’s time we saw a systematic change of the private rental sector for once and for all.
Co-archived @mickbyrne101
Hi Ken
you were recommended to me by someone I was hoping you can help. As you know the justice system at present regarding people in mortgage arrears is flawed. I for one feel completely out of my depth! The registrar says she has no authority to intervene on behalf of the banks it’s very clear it’s a done deal in all cases. We're both working and paying a substantial amount. We have three children and facing eviction shortly,
can you help.
you were recommended to me by someone I was hoping you can help. As you know the justice system at present regarding people in mortgage arrears is flawed. I for one feel completely out of my depth! The registrar says she has no authority to intervene on behalf of the banks it’s very clear it’s a done deal in all cases. We're both working and paying a substantial amount. We have three children and facing eviction shortly,
can you help.
Co-archived Ken Smollen
"Mosney is owned and run by multimillionaire Phelim McCloskey. Last year his personal wealth was estimated at €46 million.
McCloskey is a donor to Fianna Fail. In 2008 the Irish Examiner reported that Mosney Holiday village donated €6,500 to the party that set up the direct provision system.
However on top of that 2008 donations statements furnished by Fianna Fail to SIPO showed that McCloskey donated a cheque for €5,500. So in 2008 alone McCloskey gave €12,000 to Fianna Fail.
In 2009, Mosney’s accounts showed a donation of €4,050 to Fianna Fail.
That worked out ok for McCloskey and the company as successive governments – mostly under Fianna Fail has given him back over €100 million in state contracts for running the Mosney centre.
Mosney’s accounts have since been harder to find, since they moved offshore much like Google, Apple etc. The primary purpose for such moves is to avoid paying taxes. Taxes that would be due on profits arising directly from our taxes handed out to McCloskey in the first place. Handed out by the political organisations he helps fund. Pretty sweet huh?"
Mosney is one of a number of Direct Provision centers, where people are being detained, denied food and moved site if they speak out.
McCloskey is a donor to Fianna Fail. In 2008 the Irish Examiner reported that Mosney Holiday village donated €6,500 to the party that set up the direct provision system.
However on top of that 2008 donations statements furnished by Fianna Fail to SIPO showed that McCloskey donated a cheque for €5,500. So in 2008 alone McCloskey gave €12,000 to Fianna Fail.
In 2009, Mosney’s accounts showed a donation of €4,050 to Fianna Fail.
That worked out ok for McCloskey and the company as successive governments – mostly under Fianna Fail has given him back over €100 million in state contracts for running the Mosney centre.
Mosney’s accounts have since been harder to find, since they moved offshore much like Google, Apple etc. The primary purpose for such moves is to avoid paying taxes. Taxes that would be due on profits arising directly from our taxes handed out to McCloskey in the first place. Handed out by the political organisations he helps fund. Pretty sweet huh?"
Mosney is one of a number of Direct Provision centers, where people are being detained, denied food and moved site if they speak out.
Co-archived Irish Housing Network
The €500.00 voucher that the government is giving you to seek Free Legal Aid: in the Circuit Court the Registrar offered the Litigant in Person the option! Themother of three took it and walked out to talk to the solicitor: solicitors advice: “give the keys back”……………….. mother goes back into Court with the solicitor: the Barrister for the other side ask said solicitor: “are you going on record for this lady”……..
Ya gona love the answer: “no, I am only giving her advice”… that’s what the €500.00 voucher gets you.
Stay in your homes.
Fight the banks.
We will help you.
Ya gona love the answer: “no, I am only giving her advice”… that’s what the €500.00 voucher gets you.
Stay in your homes.
Fight the banks.
We will help you.
Co-archived The Hub - Ireland
"Its really simple: The more fear people have of becoming homeless, the more they are willing to pay to avoid that reality."
The budget has been and gone and it seems that no meaningful protections will be put in place to stop people becoming homeless in massive numbers. One of our members, Barry Semple explains why:
"More money for crisis homeless services, more money for HAP, grants for first time buyers etc... meanwhile NAMA/banks/vulture funds/speculators/landlord representative associations etc. all have a clear vested interest in house prices and rents continuing to rise.
Sadly, its no surprise that there are no radical measures to address the housing situation, given the parties and ideologies involved.
But something really struck me today, and maybe I've just been in denial about this, or not wanting to admit it : Having a housing crisis where families are regularly under threat of eviction, people housed in hotels and emergency accommodation, people sleeping rough, in hostels, or living in totally insecure rented accomodation etc. is all really good for 'The Market'.
It's really simple: The more fear people have of becoming homeless, the more they are willing to pay to avoid that reality. Prices go up because landlords can get away with it because people are terrified. Media pieces that purport to express empathy or sympathy with people experiencing housing crises can have the effect of generating and exasperating this fear, and so increasing what people are willing to pay for housing. Therefore this budget is a deliberate move by the government to put money into managing the results of a housing crisis rather than solving it. It is important in order to maintain fear, and the associated rising costs, that homeless services expand, while the causes of the need for homeless services go unchecked.
It's the kind of thinking that is so deeply cynical, manipulative and exploitative that its hard to believe any human being would make conscious decisions like that.
To then wrap it all up as being for "the common good" and in the name of "fairness" is just insulting.
The budget has been and gone and it seems that no meaningful protections will be put in place to stop people becoming homeless in massive numbers. One of our members, Barry Semple explains why:
"More money for crisis homeless services, more money for HAP, grants for first time buyers etc... meanwhile NAMA/banks/vulture funds/speculators/landlord representative associations etc. all have a clear vested interest in house prices and rents continuing to rise.
Sadly, its no surprise that there are no radical measures to address the housing situation, given the parties and ideologies involved.
But something really struck me today, and maybe I've just been in denial about this, or not wanting to admit it : Having a housing crisis where families are regularly under threat of eviction, people housed in hotels and emergency accommodation, people sleeping rough, in hostels, or living in totally insecure rented accomodation etc. is all really good for 'The Market'.
It's really simple: The more fear people have of becoming homeless, the more they are willing to pay to avoid that reality. Prices go up because landlords can get away with it because people are terrified. Media pieces that purport to express empathy or sympathy with people experiencing housing crises can have the effect of generating and exasperating this fear, and so increasing what people are willing to pay for housing. Therefore this budget is a deliberate move by the government to put money into managing the results of a housing crisis rather than solving it. It is important in order to maintain fear, and the associated rising costs, that homeless services expand, while the causes of the need for homeless services go unchecked.
It's the kind of thinking that is so deeply cynical, manipulative and exploitative that its hard to believe any human being would make conscious decisions like that.
To then wrap it all up as being for "the common good" and in the name of "fairness" is just insulting.
Co-archived Irish Housing Network
The budget is highly innovative and multifaceted in its approach to deepening the housing crisis. Really cutting-edge stuff. It diversifies and widens the housing crisis, while deepening it. Real leadership shown. I did not expect that whirlwind tour de force in relation to releasing more funding to private landlords. I also like the heavy reliance on a very savvy private market to provide housing, as only it can create the necessary dynamism and revolution in interior decorating we so lack in this country. Starter homes are also a real push in the right direction. I know there's some naysayers who don't think starter homes are a real thing, but I love storing my guns and pitchforks and tax returns in my starter home while I sit in my manor house on the porch in my rocking chair smoking cigars and eating Belgian chocolate and eyeing the slim Italian intern/au pair, Giulia, as she bends over in her tight denims to fix Fintan's collar before she walks him to rugby practice, but still A+ housing budget. Can't wait for the next budget. I hope hard-pressed landlords will get another shout out.
Co-archived Oisín Ó Fágáin
Tackling housing crisis demands capital spending on new social homes. The government have confirmed an increase is on spending is just €150m - which equate to about 850 homes!
Crazy !!
#budget2017
Crazy !!
#budget2017
Co-archived DLR Housing Action Campaign
Buying a 3 bedroom semi-detached house for €600,000? Here's €20,000. Spending 50 - 80% of your income to rent somewhere with no security of tenure? Go f**k yourself. #Budget2017
Co-archived Dublin Tenants Association
Another father of a young family facing eviction in the corrupt courts has taken his life tonight.
This has to stop.
This has to stop.
Co-archived Pól Ó Scanaill
What a wild night it was last night! By 9 o clock we had no hot food left !!! We had at least 8 separate dishes!!
CAN U HELP COOK ?? PLEASE CAN YOU GET IN TOUCH
The wind would take your skin off , and the cold would go through ya !
And yet it's OK for humans to bed down with sleeping bags?? on the cold hard ground , last night one of the homeless lads said to me " without you guys and the other soup runs on the ground, so many would have died by now "!!!
You won't read that in your news paper !
To be handing grown men and woman tents and sleeping bags , because it's safer than a hostel ?? The system Is fucked !!! From the inside out !! Is doesn't work , hasn't in a long time and yet peoele still believe in it ??
Instead of Sitting in the dail talking about shite!!!! Why not address the fact our system is broke and with 13 million owed to us ??
Imagine how many lives you , that is supposed to save peoele , could actually save !!
But then again ya need a heart and not a swinging brick to help the people !!!!
Sorry about the rant !! But it's boiling my blood how busy we are getting !! And nobody is addressing the problem !!
Thank God the team and the peoele that support us that do have amazing hearts
Without you guys we wouldn't be able to do what we do , so thank u all so much , it's very appreciated 💗💙 to phil and mick in Your not alone for dropping some much needed sambos down thank u guys
To anyone who dropped food of thank u so much , to Brian bk from his hols and still managed to cook 40, 4 in 1 curries , Eva an your handmade cookies your a lady , Eithne for the tents and sleeping bags , clothes and treats, Liz, Sharon sabrina, Mandy, Evelyn, maria and Mary for the coddle , and the lovely lady that donated the heater as ours broke
The team of angels on the ground ready and waiting to tackle what ever needs people may have , your a credit to me thank u all so much ya know I love yas
Ashley, Karl, Alison, Mick, Cathy, Noleen, Agnes, Elaine, Alex, Aine , miriam, Susan aishling, ciaran, Ally, Chloe, Clare, Garrett
Please share this post an maybe then the So Called GOVERNMENT MAY ACTUALLY SEE THIS PROBLEM IS GETTING OUTA CONTROL!! AND UNLESS THEY ARE FACED WITH IT ?
IT WILL NEVER BE ADDRESSED!!
THANK U ALL
KEIRA AND THE MONDAY CREW
CAN U HELP COOK ?? PLEASE CAN YOU GET IN TOUCH
The wind would take your skin off , and the cold would go through ya !
And yet it's OK for humans to bed down with sleeping bags?? on the cold hard ground , last night one of the homeless lads said to me " without you guys and the other soup runs on the ground, so many would have died by now "!!!
You won't read that in your news paper !
To be handing grown men and woman tents and sleeping bags , because it's safer than a hostel ?? The system Is fucked !!! From the inside out !! Is doesn't work , hasn't in a long time and yet peoele still believe in it ??
Instead of Sitting in the dail talking about shite!!!! Why not address the fact our system is broke and with 13 million owed to us ??
Imagine how many lives you , that is supposed to save peoele , could actually save !!
But then again ya need a heart and not a swinging brick to help the people !!!!
Sorry about the rant !! But it's boiling my blood how busy we are getting !! And nobody is addressing the problem !!
Thank God the team and the peoele that support us that do have amazing hearts
Without you guys we wouldn't be able to do what we do , so thank u all so much , it's very appreciated 💗💙 to phil and mick in Your not alone for dropping some much needed sambos down thank u guys
To anyone who dropped food of thank u so much , to Brian bk from his hols and still managed to cook 40, 4 in 1 curries , Eva an your handmade cookies your a lady , Eithne for the tents and sleeping bags , clothes and treats, Liz, Sharon sabrina, Mandy, Evelyn, maria and Mary for the coddle , and the lovely lady that donated the heater as ours broke
The team of angels on the ground ready and waiting to tackle what ever needs people may have , your a credit to me thank u all so much ya know I love yas
Ashley, Karl, Alison, Mick, Cathy, Noleen, Agnes, Elaine, Alex, Aine , miriam, Susan aishling, ciaran, Ally, Chloe, Clare, Garrett
Please share this post an maybe then the So Called GOVERNMENT MAY ACTUALLY SEE THIS PROBLEM IS GETTING OUTA CONTROL!! AND UNLESS THEY ARE FACED WITH IT ?
IT WILL NEVER BE ADDRESSED!!
THANK U ALL
KEIRA AND THE MONDAY CREW
Co-archived A Lending Hand , Monday nights
ANOTHER Family Devastated to suicide this morning, Left Wife And Kids Behind Him, As a result of Pressure from the banks.
May he rest in Peace.
More to Follow.
May he rest in Peace.
More to Follow.
***** CLARIFICATION *****
The business, known as Corrigan's Supermarket, Kilmuckridge has been trading successfully for the past 37 years. For the past 3 years, the business has been operated by a company called Melphia Enterprises Ltd ( MEL). MEL has paid all rents due up until & including the 31st December 2016. We will post a letter from the accountant confirming this tomorrow. Melphia Ltd is a very profitable company, with 22 staff on the books and contrary to media reports & many untrue & false accusations by certain individuals, we can confirm that all our creditors (suppliers, Revenue, staff) have always been paid in full & on time. Melphia Enterprises Ltd (the tenant) is not involved in any receivership or court action.
Contrary to media reports, no suppliers were involved in the unlawful removal of goods from our store. These goods were removed by K-Tech Security on 21st September 2016 on the instructions of Ken Fennell of Deloitte. Ken Fennell is alleging to be appointed as receiver over the property (not the business, MEL) on the 21st July 2014.
The appointment of Ken Fennell has always been venomously challenged from the very beginning by the owner of the property, our landlord. There is a live High Court case challenging Ken Fennell's appointment as receiver. To date, K Fennell has refused or been unable to put a forward to defence to this challenge. Our landlord has assured us and is confident, having been advised by a legal team, that it will be proven that K Fennell has been invalidly appointed to his alleged receiver position.
IF K Fennell was validly appointed, as he claims to be, why did he instruct K-Tech to break in the supermarket at 5am on October 5th 2015, and subsequently move out VOLUNTARILY on October 12th having left behind devastation, damages & losses accumulating to over €163k?
IF K Fennell was validly appointed as receiver to the property, why did he again instruct K-Tech Security to break into the property at 4:45am on September 21st this year & unlawfully remove €135k of MEL stock from the property? This stock, belonging to Melphia Enterprises Ltd., has nothing to do with any receivership.
Any receiver, including alleged receiver Ken Fennell, has a primary duty of care to preserve and protect any business they are appointed to manage, in such a way as to ensure maximum returns are achieved for all concerned. The repeated attempts made here to destroy a local business, which has been at the heart of village life for such a long time, does not support the idea that the Primary Duty of care is being taken seriously. The actions witnessed last week shocked our village and villages across the country to the core. Locals estimated that up to 50 Gardai were involved in this operation which resulted in the closure of our supermarket and 22 job loses.
It has been 8 days since K-Tech forcibly and unlawfully entered the premise and removed MEL stock from it. Contrary to media reports, Ken Fennell has not returned any of this stock to the company and is refusing to do so. This is despite the fact he has acknowledged MEL ownership of the stock and assured us that the stock would be returned. We believe many of the goods which were removed will now be unfit for sales, due to the perishable nature of same.
We have instructed our legal team to initiate High Court proceedings against K Fennell to recover the massive damages and losses to our company, which have currently accumulated to over €300k.
This biggest losers in this are our staff (some of whom have worked in the supermarket for over 20 years), our loyal customers, and the village itself which has been left with a large void.
The business, known as Corrigan's Supermarket, Kilmuckridge has been trading successfully for the past 37 years. For the past 3 years, the business has been operated by a company called Melphia Enterprises Ltd ( MEL). MEL has paid all rents due up until & including the 31st December 2016. We will post a letter from the accountant confirming this tomorrow. Melphia Ltd is a very profitable company, with 22 staff on the books and contrary to media reports & many untrue & false accusations by certain individuals, we can confirm that all our creditors (suppliers, Revenue, staff) have always been paid in full & on time. Melphia Enterprises Ltd (the tenant) is not involved in any receivership or court action.
Contrary to media reports, no suppliers were involved in the unlawful removal of goods from our store. These goods were removed by K-Tech Security on 21st September 2016 on the instructions of Ken Fennell of Deloitte. Ken Fennell is alleging to be appointed as receiver over the property (not the business, MEL) on the 21st July 2014.
The appointment of Ken Fennell has always been venomously challenged from the very beginning by the owner of the property, our landlord. There is a live High Court case challenging Ken Fennell's appointment as receiver. To date, K Fennell has refused or been unable to put a forward to defence to this challenge. Our landlord has assured us and is confident, having been advised by a legal team, that it will be proven that K Fennell has been invalidly appointed to his alleged receiver position.
IF K Fennell was validly appointed, as he claims to be, why did he instruct K-Tech to break in the supermarket at 5am on October 5th 2015, and subsequently move out VOLUNTARILY on October 12th having left behind devastation, damages & losses accumulating to over €163k?
IF K Fennell was validly appointed as receiver to the property, why did he again instruct K-Tech Security to break into the property at 4:45am on September 21st this year & unlawfully remove €135k of MEL stock from the property? This stock, belonging to Melphia Enterprises Ltd., has nothing to do with any receivership.
Any receiver, including alleged receiver Ken Fennell, has a primary duty of care to preserve and protect any business they are appointed to manage, in such a way as to ensure maximum returns are achieved for all concerned. The repeated attempts made here to destroy a local business, which has been at the heart of village life for such a long time, does not support the idea that the Primary Duty of care is being taken seriously. The actions witnessed last week shocked our village and villages across the country to the core. Locals estimated that up to 50 Gardai were involved in this operation which resulted in the closure of our supermarket and 22 job loses.
It has been 8 days since K-Tech forcibly and unlawfully entered the premise and removed MEL stock from it. Contrary to media reports, Ken Fennell has not returned any of this stock to the company and is refusing to do so. This is despite the fact he has acknowledged MEL ownership of the stock and assured us that the stock would be returned. We believe many of the goods which were removed will now be unfit for sales, due to the perishable nature of same.
We have instructed our legal team to initiate High Court proceedings against K Fennell to recover the massive damages and losses to our company, which have currently accumulated to over €300k.
This biggest losers in this are our staff (some of whom have worked in the supermarket for over 20 years), our loyal customers, and the village itself which has been left with a large void.
Co-archived Corrigan's Londis Kilmuckridge
Can people who are languishing on housing lists or homeless please ask your local representatives where and how these properties have been allocated .A heartfelt plea from a family recently to this page. A family barricaded into private rental accommodation and sent to every local councillor and TD on Corks Northside.
We are now barricaded inside the house awaiting the arrival of the sheriff to evict us onto the side of the road .We have exhausted every avenue to find alternative accommodation but to no avail as there are no suitable rental properties available. Hotels and B&B accommodation are also not available as one hotel quote comes in @ 2,179 euro per week for a family of 5.The homeless advisor in Drinan Street has informed us that our allocation per night will be 150 euro which amounts to 1,050 .Not even half the cost of a hotel.I AM OUTRAGED to discover on tonights council meeting agenda to find that a loan facility of 56,100 euro has been granted to Threshold to acquire a property @ 241 Cathedral Road while i languish on the verge of homelessness .This money would go a long way to opening up 2 or 3 voids and preventing families like ourselves entering into homelessness.Please explain how you can mount a protest on the steps of City Hall claiming to be fighting for homeless people and then go inside the door and sign off on this absurd behaviour. A heartbroken mothers plea.
1 unit Meadow Drive Hollyhill .....Cluid Housing (45,600)
1 unit Hanover Mews ...Focus Housing (160,650)
2 units South Channel Court ...Focus Housing (211,699 )
6 units Focus Housing (Washington Street and James Street ) (639,839)
1 unit The Mill Lower John Street ...Focus Housing (186,150)
1 unit Hawthorn Mews ...Cluid Housing (26,694 )
1 unit Gurrannebraher ...Cluid Housing (7,650)
1 unit Kilbrack Grove Skehard Road ....Tuath Housing (71,000)
53 units @ Ard Sionnach Shanakiel
14 units @ The Meadows Knocknacullen
23 units @ Ashmount Silversprings
30 units @ Farranlea Road ....Respond and Munster Housing Co Operative have been nominated to lease and manage the above properties 67 of which have been acquired from Nama.
,28,29 Dublin Street Blackpool ....Respond Housing Association
20,21,22,24 Thomas Davis Street Blackpool ....Respond Housing Association to coincide with their ownership of 18 and 19 Thomas Davis Street .
These are just a few taken into ownership by APPROVED HOUSING BODIES .Not much left for the CBL except the odd crumb every couple of weeks .The taxpayer is funding these loans given to housing associations to acquire these properties and yes approved by our local council (please keep this in mind when they tell you there is no funds to open the voids .The taxpayer then gets caught again to fund the rent allowance provided for the tenants in said properties .So the scam continues the taxpayer provides the loan and then pays to service said loan .The bailout Cork City Council style .Build direct social housing under local authority control. Cut out the double payments and put an end to homelessness .Remember AHBS (approved housing bodies) are independent, not for profit charities that provide affordable rented housing for people who cannot afford to buy their own home or pay for market rented housing .Forgive me but i always thought that was the councils job,waiting lists,cbl schemes etc one would be forgiven for thinking maybe mistakingly that these housing associations are aiding and abeiting the privatisation of social housing with the recently alarming news that like private landlords housing bodies will now only offer 4 year leases to new tenants.
We are now barricaded inside the house awaiting the arrival of the sheriff to evict us onto the side of the road .We have exhausted every avenue to find alternative accommodation but to no avail as there are no suitable rental properties available. Hotels and B&B accommodation are also not available as one hotel quote comes in @ 2,179 euro per week for a family of 5.The homeless advisor in Drinan Street has informed us that our allocation per night will be 150 euro which amounts to 1,050 .Not even half the cost of a hotel.I AM OUTRAGED to discover on tonights council meeting agenda to find that a loan facility of 56,100 euro has been granted to Threshold to acquire a property @ 241 Cathedral Road while i languish on the verge of homelessness .This money would go a long way to opening up 2 or 3 voids and preventing families like ourselves entering into homelessness.Please explain how you can mount a protest on the steps of City Hall claiming to be fighting for homeless people and then go inside the door and sign off on this absurd behaviour. A heartbroken mothers plea.
1 unit Meadow Drive Hollyhill .....Cluid Housing (45,600)
1 unit Hanover Mews ...Focus Housing (160,650)
2 units South Channel Court ...Focus Housing (211,699 )
6 units Focus Housing (Washington Street and James Street ) (639,839)
1 unit The Mill Lower John Street ...Focus Housing (186,150)
1 unit Hawthorn Mews ...Cluid Housing (26,694 )
1 unit Gurrannebraher ...Cluid Housing (7,650)
1 unit Kilbrack Grove Skehard Road ....Tuath Housing (71,000)
53 units @ Ard Sionnach Shanakiel
14 units @ The Meadows Knocknacullen
23 units @ Ashmount Silversprings
30 units @ Farranlea Road ....Respond and Munster Housing Co Operative have been nominated to lease and manage the above properties 67 of which have been acquired from Nama.
,28,29 Dublin Street Blackpool ....Respond Housing Association
20,21,22,24 Thomas Davis Street Blackpool ....Respond Housing Association to coincide with their ownership of 18 and 19 Thomas Davis Street .
These are just a few taken into ownership by APPROVED HOUSING BODIES .Not much left for the CBL except the odd crumb every couple of weeks .The taxpayer is funding these loans given to housing associations to acquire these properties and yes approved by our local council (please keep this in mind when they tell you there is no funds to open the voids .The taxpayer then gets caught again to fund the rent allowance provided for the tenants in said properties .So the scam continues the taxpayer provides the loan and then pays to service said loan .The bailout Cork City Council style .Build direct social housing under local authority control. Cut out the double payments and put an end to homelessness .Remember AHBS (approved housing bodies) are independent, not for profit charities that provide affordable rented housing for people who cannot afford to buy their own home or pay for market rented housing .Forgive me but i always thought that was the councils job,waiting lists,cbl schemes etc one would be forgiven for thinking maybe mistakingly that these housing associations are aiding and abeiting the privatisation of social housing with the recently alarming news that like private landlords housing bodies will now only offer 4 year leases to new tenants.
Co-archived Gurranabraher Says No
Erica Fleming interviewed by Ingrid Casey
Posted on September 28, 2016 by Bogman's Cannon
I.C: How did you come to be involved with the RTE documentary My Homeless Family? Would you say it set you on your current journey?
E.F: When we became homeless, there was no-one talking about it; it was a traumatic time. I found a meeting organised by Ruth Coppinger of AAA that was to be held in Huntstown, Dublin 15. At the meeting, I didn’t want to hear the stories presented, I was only at the start of the process. I was nervous, I had gone with a colleague and there was a big group there. Peter McVerry was forecasting how bad it was going to ge. Then they opened up the floor; RTE was there and we had signed a waiver to speak. I took the mic and told them a horrific story of when we first presented as homeless, and of how myself and my daughter were mistreated. We had been placed in a BnB that was more like a halfway house; we had no access to our own food. We were locked out after ten pm, we had to submit in writing to have leave for the night. I went to contest it as I knew the place was known for drugs, I didn’t want my child there. At the meeting with the council official, my daughter got so frightened that she lost control of her bowels. So when I told this story at the meeting in Huntstown, that was when RTE came after me. Initially I said no, but they asked me again. I was worried about the exposure for Emily, but she agreed to do it. So it went from there.
I.C: When did you become conscious of the gravity of you situation? Can you describe how you have become politicized?
E.F: I don’t see myself as political, I’m certainly not tied to any political party. I’m willing to talk to anybody who is interested in helping to raise awareness of the housing crisis and take action. I got trolled for working with SF; this didn’t happen when I was involved with AAA, or when I met with members of FF. When I addressed the Dáil committee, I asked all of them to put the idea of groups aside and come together for housing solutions, regardless of party affiliations. The appreciation will be afforded to whoever helps in the end, you know? My overall message is to try to get co-operation. I think it was a game changer, when I was willing to meet with FF and FG too. What’s very important, with each week that passes, with my sidebyside campaign, is that more people are hearing about it. People are coming to me for hope. Hope is very important, in this situation. It’s very easy to give in and your mental health can suffer. At the end of the day, alone in a hotel room, once your child is asleep, you can’t leave, you can’t turn the light back on, you’re literally sitting alone, in the dark. I never thought I’d take on the voice for the homeless. Like, how has this become my life? I don’t know why people come to me for comfort. A family came to me this week with seven kids; the wife has cerebral palsy. Their landlady had died and so the house was sold, they need a bungalow for wheelchair access and so on. They had explained to DCC, and were told to come back when they’re homeless. A hotel room with seven kids? So I sent out twenty-six emails on behalf of them, one to Finian McGrath, the disabilities minister. In this particular situation, timing and prevention is key. A couple of TD’s have contacted them since, but I can only take them so far on the journey. I don’t have the power of the council. There’s a heavy burden on me; I lie awake thinking what to do next. It takes a community to help one another.
I.C: What’s your view on the 230,000 houses currently available?
E.F: It doesn’t shock me, the council have been playing down the amount of vacant properties – they KNEW and KNOW what they have in stock, yet they chose not to renovate them. It is clearly government policy not to house low income earners.
I.C: Tell me about your experience in Brussels; do you think that the Irish government has consciously hushed up the escalating crisis during the past five years, and if so, why?
E.F: So, in Brussels, I’m sitting there, telling my personal story and talking about the larger homeless crisis, and the woman’s mouth literally opened and she cocked her ear. I thought there was a language barrier, so I repeated myself. They were gobsmacked; their figures were that there were 800 homeless. I was really annoyed with the response because it was very much ‘ We don’t have any legal way to force Ireland to do more’. Their advice was for me to keep on doing what I’m doing. I started to get cynical after that. We’ve given two billion debt; the EU forced that on us, so why can’t they force the Irish government to take action? They also suggested for me to go to the UN. Housing is not a human right in Ireland. I went all the way to Brussels to hear that! It was disappointing. It seemed like a last resort, to shame our government. But if anything came of it, the determination had a light shone upon it.
I.C: What impact has the prolonged hotel living arrangement had on your family?
E.F: Life is stressful from the minute my eyes open. Walking through reception with my daughter in her uniform; it’s embarrassing. As time has passed, my face is recognized. The affect on Emily is sad; she’s growing up too fast. She’s been let down by the State along with so many other children. They’re supposed to have a childhood. She used to be funny and away with the fairies, now she’s fed up and constantly asks how much longer we’ll be where we are. A home should be relaxing; a hotel is not a normal upbringing.
I.C: Why, in your opinion, has Minister Alan Kelly fallen so short on his vow to build mroe social housing?
E.F: ‘Cos they don’t care; the Ministers are not held to account and there’s no political will. For some reason, the public just keep believing their lies.
I.C: Are you in contact with NGO’s to lobby the EU’s Social Pillar, to honour the fiscal treaty’s social targets to reduce poverty?
E.F: No, because my question still stands; what can the EU do? When they shut that down…I don’t know yet what to do with that information. There were really good questions raised by the Housing Delegation – Lynn Boylan, local councillors, travelling community reps, addiction counsellors – a great mix of people. The feelings and perspectives have come together. Anthony Flynn from Inner City Helping Homeless was very astute and said what we were all thinking.
I.C: Do you feel that in the Irish government’s presentation of recovery to the EU, there has been a been a sidestepping of liminal sectors such as lone parents, and why?
E.F: A million percent! It’s all bullshit. They’re cooking the books left right and centre with jobs, social welfare…Jobsbridge was a total farce.
I.C: Dr.Rory Hearne of TASC has written in the Irish Times that Ireland should ask for flexibility in the EU fiscal rules, to enable social investment for housing. Would you agree with this model, and how can we best make it happen?
E.F: I would agree. Rory Hearne is superb. He came to my protest outside the GPO. Ireland could ask; could demand! But the government won’t do it. He’s on the ball about what needs to be done. Personally, I don’t know how. Perhaps the Icelandic situation is one to emulate, there was an Icelandic representative in Brussels who really impressed me.
I.C: Are there any individuals, historical or otherwise, who have influenced you, or inspired you to fight for your daughter?
E.F: The history of 1916 was prevalent in my family life growing up; we are Dubs. If anything, they are the only people I’d say are heroic and made an impression on me. I was very proud to speak at the Árdfheis. This is my time!
Posted on September 28, 2016 by Bogman's Cannon
I.C: How did you come to be involved with the RTE documentary My Homeless Family? Would you say it set you on your current journey?
E.F: When we became homeless, there was no-one talking about it; it was a traumatic time. I found a meeting organised by Ruth Coppinger of AAA that was to be held in Huntstown, Dublin 15. At the meeting, I didn’t want to hear the stories presented, I was only at the start of the process. I was nervous, I had gone with a colleague and there was a big group there. Peter McVerry was forecasting how bad it was going to ge. Then they opened up the floor; RTE was there and we had signed a waiver to speak. I took the mic and told them a horrific story of when we first presented as homeless, and of how myself and my daughter were mistreated. We had been placed in a BnB that was more like a halfway house; we had no access to our own food. We were locked out after ten pm, we had to submit in writing to have leave for the night. I went to contest it as I knew the place was known for drugs, I didn’t want my child there. At the meeting with the council official, my daughter got so frightened that she lost control of her bowels. So when I told this story at the meeting in Huntstown, that was when RTE came after me. Initially I said no, but they asked me again. I was worried about the exposure for Emily, but she agreed to do it. So it went from there.
I.C: When did you become conscious of the gravity of you situation? Can you describe how you have become politicized?
E.F: I don’t see myself as political, I’m certainly not tied to any political party. I’m willing to talk to anybody who is interested in helping to raise awareness of the housing crisis and take action. I got trolled for working with SF; this didn’t happen when I was involved with AAA, or when I met with members of FF. When I addressed the Dáil committee, I asked all of them to put the idea of groups aside and come together for housing solutions, regardless of party affiliations. The appreciation will be afforded to whoever helps in the end, you know? My overall message is to try to get co-operation. I think it was a game changer, when I was willing to meet with FF and FG too. What’s very important, with each week that passes, with my sidebyside campaign, is that more people are hearing about it. People are coming to me for hope. Hope is very important, in this situation. It’s very easy to give in and your mental health can suffer. At the end of the day, alone in a hotel room, once your child is asleep, you can’t leave, you can’t turn the light back on, you’re literally sitting alone, in the dark. I never thought I’d take on the voice for the homeless. Like, how has this become my life? I don’t know why people come to me for comfort. A family came to me this week with seven kids; the wife has cerebral palsy. Their landlady had died and so the house was sold, they need a bungalow for wheelchair access and so on. They had explained to DCC, and were told to come back when they’re homeless. A hotel room with seven kids? So I sent out twenty-six emails on behalf of them, one to Finian McGrath, the disabilities minister. In this particular situation, timing and prevention is key. A couple of TD’s have contacted them since, but I can only take them so far on the journey. I don’t have the power of the council. There’s a heavy burden on me; I lie awake thinking what to do next. It takes a community to help one another.
I.C: What’s your view on the 230,000 houses currently available?
E.F: It doesn’t shock me, the council have been playing down the amount of vacant properties – they KNEW and KNOW what they have in stock, yet they chose not to renovate them. It is clearly government policy not to house low income earners.
I.C: Tell me about your experience in Brussels; do you think that the Irish government has consciously hushed up the escalating crisis during the past five years, and if so, why?
E.F: So, in Brussels, I’m sitting there, telling my personal story and talking about the larger homeless crisis, and the woman’s mouth literally opened and she cocked her ear. I thought there was a language barrier, so I repeated myself. They were gobsmacked; their figures were that there were 800 homeless. I was really annoyed with the response because it was very much ‘ We don’t have any legal way to force Ireland to do more’. Their advice was for me to keep on doing what I’m doing. I started to get cynical after that. We’ve given two billion debt; the EU forced that on us, so why can’t they force the Irish government to take action? They also suggested for me to go to the UN. Housing is not a human right in Ireland. I went all the way to Brussels to hear that! It was disappointing. It seemed like a last resort, to shame our government. But if anything came of it, the determination had a light shone upon it.
I.C: What impact has the prolonged hotel living arrangement had on your family?
E.F: Life is stressful from the minute my eyes open. Walking through reception with my daughter in her uniform; it’s embarrassing. As time has passed, my face is recognized. The affect on Emily is sad; she’s growing up too fast. She’s been let down by the State along with so many other children. They’re supposed to have a childhood. She used to be funny and away with the fairies, now she’s fed up and constantly asks how much longer we’ll be where we are. A home should be relaxing; a hotel is not a normal upbringing.
I.C: Why, in your opinion, has Minister Alan Kelly fallen so short on his vow to build mroe social housing?
E.F: ‘Cos they don’t care; the Ministers are not held to account and there’s no political will. For some reason, the public just keep believing their lies.
I.C: Are you in contact with NGO’s to lobby the EU’s Social Pillar, to honour the fiscal treaty’s social targets to reduce poverty?
E.F: No, because my question still stands; what can the EU do? When they shut that down…I don’t know yet what to do with that information. There were really good questions raised by the Housing Delegation – Lynn Boylan, local councillors, travelling community reps, addiction counsellors – a great mix of people. The feelings and perspectives have come together. Anthony Flynn from Inner City Helping Homeless was very astute and said what we were all thinking.
I.C: Do you feel that in the Irish government’s presentation of recovery to the EU, there has been a been a sidestepping of liminal sectors such as lone parents, and why?
E.F: A million percent! It’s all bullshit. They’re cooking the books left right and centre with jobs, social welfare…Jobsbridge was a total farce.
I.C: Dr.Rory Hearne of TASC has written in the Irish Times that Ireland should ask for flexibility in the EU fiscal rules, to enable social investment for housing. Would you agree with this model, and how can we best make it happen?
E.F: I would agree. Rory Hearne is superb. He came to my protest outside the GPO. Ireland could ask; could demand! But the government won’t do it. He’s on the ball about what needs to be done. Personally, I don’t know how. Perhaps the Icelandic situation is one to emulate, there was an Icelandic representative in Brussels who really impressed me.
I.C: Are there any individuals, historical or otherwise, who have influenced you, or inspired you to fight for your daughter?
E.F: The history of 1916 was prevalent in my family life growing up; we are Dubs. If anything, they are the only people I’d say are heroic and made an impression on me. I was very proud to speak at the Árdfheis. This is my time!
Co-archived Bogman's Cannon
On The Subject of Landlords:
At the last count, there were 339,431 Non Principal Private Residences in Ireland. The state received 183,551 recorded payments from landlords for those properties.
Census 2011 identified 59,395 of these as holiday homes. It must be relatively safe to assume the remaining Non Principal Private Residences are available to rent.
That leaves 280,036 houses, and 124,156 landlords to account for.
With these figures alone it is suggested that the average landlord owns less than 2.5 rental properties.
That’s how Spin works.
Pay Attention –
Holiday home or not, there are 135,971 landlords with only 1 Non Principal Private Residence property.
That leaves 203,460 houses, and 47,580 landlords to account for. These figures suggest the average number of rental properties per landlord is closer to 4.5.
In the interest of fair play, we’ll discount any landlord owning 10 or less properties to rent. There are 45,397 such landlords. The State considers these profiteers to be minor landlords.
That leaves 2183 Landlords in control of most of the rental property available in Ireland.
There are currently 45 TDs sitting in the Dail who receive income as landlords.
11 TDs have officially recorded their occupation on the Register of Interests as Landlord.
The most vulgar example is former Minister for Health, current Minister for Children and Doctor under Hippocratic Oath James O Reilly who records his occupation in the eyes of the state as Landlord.
Rent rates are increasing at almost 6 times the rate of inflation, with Dublin City alone suffering a 34% increase in the cost of rental accommodation over the course of this government’s administration.
Homelessness has been steadily increasing since cuts to rent allowance were announced in 2012, and homelessness will continue to increase as a result of the abolition of Mortgage Interest Relief in 2017.
This puts pressure on the state to provide for those in need.
The Government will insist on pointing to that 4 Billion Euro investment in social housing as a response to any criticism of their inactivity on The Housing Crisis.
Local Authorities have started to confirm that an average of 75% of funds released will be used to pay landlords for properties rented by Local Authorities due to the lack of new social housing units.
This means only that the Government (made up of 45 landlords and 121 other TDs) has decided to use the bulk of 4 Billion Euros earmarked to fund Social Housing to instead fund the businesses of 2183 landlords between now and 2020.
Don’t forget the 45,397 landlords we excused from the equation on the basis that they only own 10 Rental Properties or less. They profit too.
The State will save 400 Million Euros with the abolition of Mortgage Interest Relief.
Landlords will take approximately 3 Billion Euros of public funding in lieu of it being spent on the construction of new Social Housing Units.
The Banks will profit from the facilitation and management of this capital flow.
All of these people and the institutions they represent profit from this State of Affairs while we, the people suffer to support them.
The Housing Crisis is a cash cow.
Think about that.
This State has failed its citizens.
This country is ruled by businessmen and the servants of businessmen, whose objectives are self promotion for profit and the advancement of those interests held by their peers and associates. We have, as a nation for generations now given our consent by ballot to be governed by self publicists and the grubby hand of greed.
We have voted successive shambolic administrations into power.
They rule only because we allow them to and we have been exposed as participants in our own oppression by the implied consent of our silence.
It’s about time that we Make More Noise.
Our previous inactivity and our current inability to act in unanimity allow the government to prioritise the accumulation and protection of wealth over servitude to the people.
The banks and financial institutions deciding our economic direction have shown no ability to curb their own gluttony.
They have between them ensured that we are burdened with the results of their poor choices to an extent that it will disenfranchise generations of Ireland’s children.
Our failure to promote to public office individuals who will act for the good of the people is their greatest asset. The current government is the latest in a line of mistakes that we’ve allowed to continue unchecked for far too long.
Play Your Part. Make informed decisions. Vote for Change.
Join the Protests. All the Protests.
At the last count, there were 339,431 Non Principal Private Residences in Ireland. The state received 183,551 recorded payments from landlords for those properties.
Census 2011 identified 59,395 of these as holiday homes. It must be relatively safe to assume the remaining Non Principal Private Residences are available to rent.
That leaves 280,036 houses, and 124,156 landlords to account for.
With these figures alone it is suggested that the average landlord owns less than 2.5 rental properties.
That’s how Spin works.
Pay Attention –
Holiday home or not, there are 135,971 landlords with only 1 Non Principal Private Residence property.
That leaves 203,460 houses, and 47,580 landlords to account for. These figures suggest the average number of rental properties per landlord is closer to 4.5.
In the interest of fair play, we’ll discount any landlord owning 10 or less properties to rent. There are 45,397 such landlords. The State considers these profiteers to be minor landlords.
That leaves 2183 Landlords in control of most of the rental property available in Ireland.
There are currently 45 TDs sitting in the Dail who receive income as landlords.
11 TDs have officially recorded their occupation on the Register of Interests as Landlord.
The most vulgar example is former Minister for Health, current Minister for Children and Doctor under Hippocratic Oath James O Reilly who records his occupation in the eyes of the state as Landlord.
Rent rates are increasing at almost 6 times the rate of inflation, with Dublin City alone suffering a 34% increase in the cost of rental accommodation over the course of this government’s administration.
Homelessness has been steadily increasing since cuts to rent allowance were announced in 2012, and homelessness will continue to increase as a result of the abolition of Mortgage Interest Relief in 2017.
This puts pressure on the state to provide for those in need.
The Government will insist on pointing to that 4 Billion Euro investment in social housing as a response to any criticism of their inactivity on The Housing Crisis.
Local Authorities have started to confirm that an average of 75% of funds released will be used to pay landlords for properties rented by Local Authorities due to the lack of new social housing units.
This means only that the Government (made up of 45 landlords and 121 other TDs) has decided to use the bulk of 4 Billion Euros earmarked to fund Social Housing to instead fund the businesses of 2183 landlords between now and 2020.
Don’t forget the 45,397 landlords we excused from the equation on the basis that they only own 10 Rental Properties or less. They profit too.
The State will save 400 Million Euros with the abolition of Mortgage Interest Relief.
Landlords will take approximately 3 Billion Euros of public funding in lieu of it being spent on the construction of new Social Housing Units.
The Banks will profit from the facilitation and management of this capital flow.
All of these people and the institutions they represent profit from this State of Affairs while we, the people suffer to support them.
The Housing Crisis is a cash cow.
Think about that.
This State has failed its citizens.
This country is ruled by businessmen and the servants of businessmen, whose objectives are self promotion for profit and the advancement of those interests held by their peers and associates. We have, as a nation for generations now given our consent by ballot to be governed by self publicists and the grubby hand of greed.
We have voted successive shambolic administrations into power.
They rule only because we allow them to and we have been exposed as participants in our own oppression by the implied consent of our silence.
It’s about time that we Make More Noise.
Our previous inactivity and our current inability to act in unanimity allow the government to prioritise the accumulation and protection of wealth over servitude to the people.
The banks and financial institutions deciding our economic direction have shown no ability to curb their own gluttony.
They have between them ensured that we are burdened with the results of their poor choices to an extent that it will disenfranchise generations of Ireland’s children.
Our failure to promote to public office individuals who will act for the good of the people is their greatest asset. The current government is the latest in a line of mistakes that we’ve allowed to continue unchecked for far too long.
Play Your Part. Make informed decisions. Vote for Change.
Join the Protests. All the Protests.
Co-archived Collective Ireland
RIA, Direct Provision and State Violence
SEPTEMBER 20, 2016 / SOUNDMIGRATION
“Whether the mask is labeled fascism, democracy, or dictatorship of the proletariat, our great adversary remains the apparatus—the bureaucracy, the police, the military. Not the one facing us across the frontier of the battle lines, which is not so much our enemy as our brothers’ enemy, but the one that calls itself our protector and makes us its slaves. No matter what the circumstances, the worst betrayal will always be to subordinate ourselves to this apparatus and to trample underfoot, in its service, all human values in ourselves and in others.”
― Simone Weil
A woman living in Direct Provision, who gave birth to her second child just three month ago, was served with an eviction order by the Reception and Integration Agency (RIA) from Mosney direct provision centre earlier this month. The eviction notice came days after the company running the centre refused to serve the woman food.
This is letter she recieved. I’ve change the woman’s name for obvious reasons.
“Bed Management Letter
Dear Jane* ,
For operational and bed management reasons your present accommodation arrangements have had to be reviewed by the Reception and Intergration Agency. As a consequence it has been decided to transfer you to Knockalisheen Accomodation Center, Limerick Road
Meelick, Co. Clare
Your new accommodation will be available to you from Thursday 8th September, 2016”
Short and succinct, the letter itself was dated the 6th of September just two days before RIA intended a forced removal. It’s signed by Killian J Morgan. There are many things striking about the letter. What jumps out immediately is the absence of any reference to either Janes three month old baby or year and a half old sibling
RIA does not outline any specific rationale, or detail any of the particulars why ‘accommodation arrangements’ needed to be reviewed in the first place. Nor does it outline what the process of review involved. Its a defacto decree with no means to official appeal.
It begs the question why was Jane was not given ANY information that might offer ANY grounds for understanding the basis of RIA intended eviction?
It might be dressed up in a sterile language less damaging to the sensitivities of Killian and other RIA bureaucrats. Who would lose sleep writing letters to evict people seeking refuge in Ireland were its just about “bed management”?
Yet it remains unmistakeable. What we are reading – and what this letter is – is the exercise of arbitrary power over a family without the slightest attempt of providing any meaningful justification. It is the text book definition of authoritarianism. Written in a style and manner you would associate with long dead Soviet obfuscation.
At is core a threat issued by the state to someone seeking asylum in the state. That might seem melodramatic or perhaps challenging concept. However when you listen to the voices and experiences of people living or have lived within the Direct Provision you quickly find this is an understood reality. And a reality that is in no way lessened by ignoring it or pretending not to know.
So even on its own terms, this letter sent by RIA, is deeply problematic and reflect at the very least antipathy toward the circumstances of people living with Direct Provision. Many would argue that this antipathy, the lack of any sense of empathy, is itself rooted in institutional and state racism. I’d agree. Institutional and state racism is both the cause and response of direct provision.
However its gets worse. Much worse.
This letter sent by a government agency needs to be contextualised by earlier events in the Mosney Center. Jane spoke on Tuesday on Joe Duffy’s Liveline on RTE 1. Leaving aside Duffy’s tendencies to embrace people as victims but reject attempts to address structural causes, the two shows this week gave voices to the experiences of many people who live in Direct Provision. It was powerful, necessary and deeply uncomfortable listening.
Alongside those voices of others validating the experiences of people in direct provision. Former workers employed in direct provision centre spoke about persistent system degrading treatment on a daily basis. Of making people queue and beg for rationed toilet rolls. Of other employees refusing to give toiletries to individual adults, arguing one bottle of shower gel between three people in a room is sufficient.
Petty violence after petty violence, micro aggressions from management and employees as a tool of social control against people denied the basic anatomy to work for themselves and their families. Processes which cause genuine emotional tramas, depression and in some cases suicide.
I’ve spoken to several people close to the woman and other residents of Mosney. What’s clear is that the woman is breastfeeding her three month old and like many mothers is simply much hungrier than when not breastfeeding.
At this point its worth remembering how food ‘works’ in Direct Provision. Its commonly understood that people in DP receive to €19 odd a week. This is to cover clothes, travel, and everything you need to have a life. It’s also meant to cover private rental, should someone find a place to rent for what’s left of €19 after you bought everything else.
However in the receipt for the €19.10 received its state clearly that the payment is the normal payment an unemployed person would get, €188, but with a deduction taken at source that goes directly to the center owners.
So whilst successive governments present DP as a choice people can make – the line “we dont force people to live in DP centres” is common – the reality is people seeking asylum are forced to do precisely that. All the while awaiting a decision on there asylum claim, with a sense of suspension and insecurity and the real fear of being physically taken and forced onto an airplane to be brought back to a place they were fleeing.
At the end of April this year there were 4,400 people living in the direct provision system across 37 geographically disperse privately managed for-profit businesses.
Food is mass cooked for people, removing the dignity and pleasure of preparing dinner for yourself and family, friends or each other. And like toilet rolls and other toiletries, food is rationed -per individual – by companies. The type and forcefulness of rationing across direct provision as described by former workers, seems to be shaped by a few factors. Profit seeking of by centre owners and authoritarianism and control by centre management.
And so we get to situation were a breastfeeding mother, asks for an extra burger because she is hungry. This is hardly surprising as many women have commented online.
https://twitter.com/msleedy/status/773859682075238404
https://twitter.com/elliekisyombe1/status/773831650593611776
And in that moment of refusal the woman crossed the serving counter and took another burger for herself in order to have enough food to eat. She began giving more burgers out to other behind her. Like anyone in that situation, you can empathise why she was pretty pissed off and decided to sort this for herself and her kids.
Yet instead of reviewing how its rations food to hungry people, the centre chose to sanction the woman. Rather than address the fact its food rationing demonstrably didn’t provide the energy and nourishment she needed, the centre barred her from the kitchen.
This is the letter sent to Jane by Mosney Center management.
Before I address the letter have some interesting facts about Mosney
Mosney is owned and run by multimillionaire Phelim McCloskey. Last year his personal wealth was estimated at €46 million.
McCloskey is a donor to Fianna Fail. In 2008 the Irish Examiner reported that Mosney Holiday village donated €6,500 to the party that set up the direct provision system.
However on top of that 2008 donations statements furnished by Fianna Fail to SIPO showed that McCloskey donated a cheque for €5,500. So in 2008 alone McCloskey gave €12,000 to Fianna Fail.
In 2009, Mosney’s accounts showed a donation of €4,050 to Fianna Fail.
That worked out ok for McCloskey and the company as successive governments – mostly under Fianna Fail has given him back over €100 million in state contracts for running the Mosney centre.
And surprise surprise Phelim McCloskey sat on a RIA working group in 2008 whose sole purpose was to look at how to deal with “complaints and instances with the reception and accommodation centres.” The working groups sought to set out House Rules and Procedures. So McCloskey no only gets to profit from this inhumane system, he has been part of designing its implementation. No people actually living in the system have been afforded a seat at the governments table like this.
Mosney’s accounts have since been harder to find, since they moved offshore much like Google, Apple etc. The primary purpose for such moves is to avoid paying taxes. Taxes that would be due on profits arising directly from our taxes handed out to McCloskey in the first place. Handed out by the political organisations he helps fund. Pretty sweet huh?
That’s worth remembering the next time you hear someone say “we should look after our own first” Because that is precisely how the Irish state is run. Rich folks who fund the big political parties are looked after first before anyone else.
McCloskey has been given over €100 million to run centre housing people in the most precarious of positions, many fleeing political violence or religious or other forms of persecution. You would expect that there is at least some proper system of governance around management. The first question in RIA’s own inspection report of Mosney in 2015 ask if Mosney has *any* type of accepted Quality Management System. And the answer to that?
No. In Mosney there is no recognised quality management system.
And so we come back to the letters. One from a belligerent business seeking to punish a hungry mother. Another a shortly after from a state agency dishing out more punishment and without the slightest attempt at justification or process. Because its just “bed management”
This isn’t the first time RIA has used Kafkaesque language. A 2010 report “Without Rights or Recognition” from the Irish Refugee Council states
“On 29th June 2010, 109 residents at Mosney, Julianstown, Co. Meath, an accommodation centre within the ‘Direct Provision’ system, were issued with letters requiring them to transfer to another place of temporary residence, Hatch Hall accommodation centre in Dublin. Residents, many of whom had made Mosney home for a number of years, were given one week to prepare themselvesfor departure. The reasoning cited for the transfers and the short period of notice was vague, with the Reception and Integration Agency invoking “operational and bed management reasons”
RIA should be recognised as what it is. It is a state agency that seeks to operate with absolute impunity and regularly presents threats to people seeking asylum who resist its bullying tactics.
“The provision of services to you under the direct provision system runs in parallel to the consideration by other agencies of the State of your claim for international protection and/or humanitarian leave to remain.”
The above was contain in a letter to of the 109 those resisting movement from Mosney to centres with even worse conditions. The threat is implicit. You keep making noises about conditions or our ability to move you as we see fit, and we will screw your claims over.
Working with The Live Register in 2012 I interviewed Fonong Fevant. At that stage Fonong had been in direct provision for seven years. He had been waiting for three year for a High Court ruling on his status. Over that time he was moved to seven different centres around the country. He spoke about over that time people got moved for being “rude” because they wouldn’t beg to get toothpaste. The very act of speaking out about the conditions leads to management writing letter to RIA about individuals, and invariably RIA issues an eviction letter to them. At no point do people have any official input into this processes that see them moved at the whim of the system itself.
You can watch the interview with Fonong and others speaking out below bottom.
RIA impunity however is most definitely not absolute. Self organisation amongst people in the direct provision system and support and solidarity alongside is key to ensuring institutional racism is abolished. There is no place for profit seeking in the movement of people. It’s hypocritical to criticise two dimensional “traffickers” assisting and often exploiting people fleeing wars, yet be silent and passive when this state allows companies and owners to exploit those same people seeking refuge here. That’s simply bullshit.
There is no justification in allowing RIA to continue to threaten people at a whim of centre management. RIA, like direct provision, should be abolished. And the bureaucracies letter writers held to account.
SEPTEMBER 20, 2016 / SOUNDMIGRATION
“Whether the mask is labeled fascism, democracy, or dictatorship of the proletariat, our great adversary remains the apparatus—the bureaucracy, the police, the military. Not the one facing us across the frontier of the battle lines, which is not so much our enemy as our brothers’ enemy, but the one that calls itself our protector and makes us its slaves. No matter what the circumstances, the worst betrayal will always be to subordinate ourselves to this apparatus and to trample underfoot, in its service, all human values in ourselves and in others.”
― Simone Weil
A woman living in Direct Provision, who gave birth to her second child just three month ago, was served with an eviction order by the Reception and Integration Agency (RIA) from Mosney direct provision centre earlier this month. The eviction notice came days after the company running the centre refused to serve the woman food.
This is letter she recieved. I’ve change the woman’s name for obvious reasons.
“Bed Management Letter
Dear Jane* ,
For operational and bed management reasons your present accommodation arrangements have had to be reviewed by the Reception and Intergration Agency. As a consequence it has been decided to transfer you to Knockalisheen Accomodation Center, Limerick Road
Meelick, Co. Clare
Your new accommodation will be available to you from Thursday 8th September, 2016”
Short and succinct, the letter itself was dated the 6th of September just two days before RIA intended a forced removal. It’s signed by Killian J Morgan. There are many things striking about the letter. What jumps out immediately is the absence of any reference to either Janes three month old baby or year and a half old sibling
RIA does not outline any specific rationale, or detail any of the particulars why ‘accommodation arrangements’ needed to be reviewed in the first place. Nor does it outline what the process of review involved. Its a defacto decree with no means to official appeal.
It begs the question why was Jane was not given ANY information that might offer ANY grounds for understanding the basis of RIA intended eviction?
It might be dressed up in a sterile language less damaging to the sensitivities of Killian and other RIA bureaucrats. Who would lose sleep writing letters to evict people seeking refuge in Ireland were its just about “bed management”?
Yet it remains unmistakeable. What we are reading – and what this letter is – is the exercise of arbitrary power over a family without the slightest attempt of providing any meaningful justification. It is the text book definition of authoritarianism. Written in a style and manner you would associate with long dead Soviet obfuscation.
At is core a threat issued by the state to someone seeking asylum in the state. That might seem melodramatic or perhaps challenging concept. However when you listen to the voices and experiences of people living or have lived within the Direct Provision you quickly find this is an understood reality. And a reality that is in no way lessened by ignoring it or pretending not to know.
So even on its own terms, this letter sent by RIA, is deeply problematic and reflect at the very least antipathy toward the circumstances of people living with Direct Provision. Many would argue that this antipathy, the lack of any sense of empathy, is itself rooted in institutional and state racism. I’d agree. Institutional and state racism is both the cause and response of direct provision.
However its gets worse. Much worse.
This letter sent by a government agency needs to be contextualised by earlier events in the Mosney Center. Jane spoke on Tuesday on Joe Duffy’s Liveline on RTE 1. Leaving aside Duffy’s tendencies to embrace people as victims but reject attempts to address structural causes, the two shows this week gave voices to the experiences of many people who live in Direct Provision. It was powerful, necessary and deeply uncomfortable listening.
Alongside those voices of others validating the experiences of people in direct provision. Former workers employed in direct provision centre spoke about persistent system degrading treatment on a daily basis. Of making people queue and beg for rationed toilet rolls. Of other employees refusing to give toiletries to individual adults, arguing one bottle of shower gel between three people in a room is sufficient.
Petty violence after petty violence, micro aggressions from management and employees as a tool of social control against people denied the basic anatomy to work for themselves and their families. Processes which cause genuine emotional tramas, depression and in some cases suicide.
I’ve spoken to several people close to the woman and other residents of Mosney. What’s clear is that the woman is breastfeeding her three month old and like many mothers is simply much hungrier than when not breastfeeding.
At this point its worth remembering how food ‘works’ in Direct Provision. Its commonly understood that people in DP receive to €19 odd a week. This is to cover clothes, travel, and everything you need to have a life. It’s also meant to cover private rental, should someone find a place to rent for what’s left of €19 after you bought everything else.
However in the receipt for the €19.10 received its state clearly that the payment is the normal payment an unemployed person would get, €188, but with a deduction taken at source that goes directly to the center owners.
So whilst successive governments present DP as a choice people can make – the line “we dont force people to live in DP centres” is common – the reality is people seeking asylum are forced to do precisely that. All the while awaiting a decision on there asylum claim, with a sense of suspension and insecurity and the real fear of being physically taken and forced onto an airplane to be brought back to a place they were fleeing.
At the end of April this year there were 4,400 people living in the direct provision system across 37 geographically disperse privately managed for-profit businesses.
Food is mass cooked for people, removing the dignity and pleasure of preparing dinner for yourself and family, friends or each other. And like toilet rolls and other toiletries, food is rationed -per individual – by companies. The type and forcefulness of rationing across direct provision as described by former workers, seems to be shaped by a few factors. Profit seeking of by centre owners and authoritarianism and control by centre management.
And so we get to situation were a breastfeeding mother, asks for an extra burger because she is hungry. This is hardly surprising as many women have commented online.
https://twitter.com/msleedy/status/773859682075238404
https://twitter.com/elliekisyombe1/status/773831650593611776
And in that moment of refusal the woman crossed the serving counter and took another burger for herself in order to have enough food to eat. She began giving more burgers out to other behind her. Like anyone in that situation, you can empathise why she was pretty pissed off and decided to sort this for herself and her kids.
Yet instead of reviewing how its rations food to hungry people, the centre chose to sanction the woman. Rather than address the fact its food rationing demonstrably didn’t provide the energy and nourishment she needed, the centre barred her from the kitchen.
This is the letter sent to Jane by Mosney Center management.
Before I address the letter have some interesting facts about Mosney
Mosney is owned and run by multimillionaire Phelim McCloskey. Last year his personal wealth was estimated at €46 million.
McCloskey is a donor to Fianna Fail. In 2008 the Irish Examiner reported that Mosney Holiday village donated €6,500 to the party that set up the direct provision system.
However on top of that 2008 donations statements furnished by Fianna Fail to SIPO showed that McCloskey donated a cheque for €5,500. So in 2008 alone McCloskey gave €12,000 to Fianna Fail.
In 2009, Mosney’s accounts showed a donation of €4,050 to Fianna Fail.
That worked out ok for McCloskey and the company as successive governments – mostly under Fianna Fail has given him back over €100 million in state contracts for running the Mosney centre.
And surprise surprise Phelim McCloskey sat on a RIA working group in 2008 whose sole purpose was to look at how to deal with “complaints and instances with the reception and accommodation centres.” The working groups sought to set out House Rules and Procedures. So McCloskey no only gets to profit from this inhumane system, he has been part of designing its implementation. No people actually living in the system have been afforded a seat at the governments table like this.
Mosney’s accounts have since been harder to find, since they moved offshore much like Google, Apple etc. The primary purpose for such moves is to avoid paying taxes. Taxes that would be due on profits arising directly from our taxes handed out to McCloskey in the first place. Handed out by the political organisations he helps fund. Pretty sweet huh?
That’s worth remembering the next time you hear someone say “we should look after our own first” Because that is precisely how the Irish state is run. Rich folks who fund the big political parties are looked after first before anyone else.
McCloskey has been given over €100 million to run centre housing people in the most precarious of positions, many fleeing political violence or religious or other forms of persecution. You would expect that there is at least some proper system of governance around management. The first question in RIA’s own inspection report of Mosney in 2015 ask if Mosney has *any* type of accepted Quality Management System. And the answer to that?
No. In Mosney there is no recognised quality management system.
And so we come back to the letters. One from a belligerent business seeking to punish a hungry mother. Another a shortly after from a state agency dishing out more punishment and without the slightest attempt at justification or process. Because its just “bed management”
This isn’t the first time RIA has used Kafkaesque language. A 2010 report “Without Rights or Recognition” from the Irish Refugee Council states
“On 29th June 2010, 109 residents at Mosney, Julianstown, Co. Meath, an accommodation centre within the ‘Direct Provision’ system, were issued with letters requiring them to transfer to another place of temporary residence, Hatch Hall accommodation centre in Dublin. Residents, many of whom had made Mosney home for a number of years, were given one week to prepare themselvesfor departure. The reasoning cited for the transfers and the short period of notice was vague, with the Reception and Integration Agency invoking “operational and bed management reasons”
RIA should be recognised as what it is. It is a state agency that seeks to operate with absolute impunity and regularly presents threats to people seeking asylum who resist its bullying tactics.
“The provision of services to you under the direct provision system runs in parallel to the consideration by other agencies of the State of your claim for international protection and/or humanitarian leave to remain.”
The above was contain in a letter to of the 109 those resisting movement from Mosney to centres with even worse conditions. The threat is implicit. You keep making noises about conditions or our ability to move you as we see fit, and we will screw your claims over.
Working with The Live Register in 2012 I interviewed Fonong Fevant. At that stage Fonong had been in direct provision for seven years. He had been waiting for three year for a High Court ruling on his status. Over that time he was moved to seven different centres around the country. He spoke about over that time people got moved for being “rude” because they wouldn’t beg to get toothpaste. The very act of speaking out about the conditions leads to management writing letter to RIA about individuals, and invariably RIA issues an eviction letter to them. At no point do people have any official input into this processes that see them moved at the whim of the system itself.
You can watch the interview with Fonong and others speaking out below bottom.
RIA impunity however is most definitely not absolute. Self organisation amongst people in the direct provision system and support and solidarity alongside is key to ensuring institutional racism is abolished. There is no place for profit seeking in the movement of people. It’s hypocritical to criticise two dimensional “traffickers” assisting and often exploiting people fleeing wars, yet be silent and passive when this state allows companies and owners to exploit those same people seeking refuge here. That’s simply bullshit.
There is no justification in allowing RIA to continue to threaten people at a whim of centre management. RIA, like direct provision, should be abolished. And the bureaucracies letter writers held to account.
Co-archived soundmigration
Woman refused food in Mosney Accommodation Centre
We have noted with concern the ill treatment of the mother of two babies (3 months and 1 and half year) in Mosney Centre. A woman who is also breast feeding was issued with a written letter stopping her from accessing food from the kitchen since the 29th August 2016, due to her behaviour according to the management. It’s been 10 full days now since the woman has been deliberately starved by the management. Apparently the management is punishing the poor lady just because she demanded one more burger. To make it worse the officials from RIA, the agency that controls these centres, on Wednesday the 7th September issued a letter forcing the lady to take a transfer to another centre in Limerick.
What kind of treatment is this that a woman with a three months baby, breastfeeding can be deprived food in a direct provision centre? How is she expected to survive? Even in prison when the inmates had a fight and are put in solitary confinement, they are given food at least to eat. This is just an example at how cruel and inhumane this system of direct provision is. The woman is currently under unreal stress with all what is happening to her and her children. At the same time she has to stay calm and focus for the sake of her two babies. We recently are still grieving from the loss of a woman who took her own life just two weeks ago. But we still have management who just don’t care about the welfare of women and children for that matter. Shame on you Mosney management, your heartless attitude is really shameful, we cannot sit back and watch you destroy yet another life. Sometimes punitive measures are not thee way to deal with such situations. This shows lack of capacity from all of those in charge.
In solidarity with the woman and the residents in Mosney, there will be a peaceful protest outside the Mosney centre on Thursday the 8th September 2016 at 11:00am. We call upon anyone who can make it to Mosney to go there and demonstrate peacefully until the management agrees to give food to this woman and don’t transfer her unwillingly to Limerick.
We have noted with concern the ill treatment of the mother of two babies (3 months and 1 and half year) in Mosney Centre. A woman who is also breast feeding was issued with a written letter stopping her from accessing food from the kitchen since the 29th August 2016, due to her behaviour according to the management. It’s been 10 full days now since the woman has been deliberately starved by the management. Apparently the management is punishing the poor lady just because she demanded one more burger. To make it worse the officials from RIA, the agency that controls these centres, on Wednesday the 7th September issued a letter forcing the lady to take a transfer to another centre in Limerick.
What kind of treatment is this that a woman with a three months baby, breastfeeding can be deprived food in a direct provision centre? How is she expected to survive? Even in prison when the inmates had a fight and are put in solitary confinement, they are given food at least to eat. This is just an example at how cruel and inhumane this system of direct provision is. The woman is currently under unreal stress with all what is happening to her and her children. At the same time she has to stay calm and focus for the sake of her two babies. We recently are still grieving from the loss of a woman who took her own life just two weeks ago. But we still have management who just don’t care about the welfare of women and children for that matter. Shame on you Mosney management, your heartless attitude is really shameful, we cannot sit back and watch you destroy yet another life. Sometimes punitive measures are not thee way to deal with such situations. This shows lack of capacity from all of those in charge.
In solidarity with the woman and the residents in Mosney, there will be a peaceful protest outside the Mosney centre on Thursday the 8th September 2016 at 11:00am. We call upon anyone who can make it to Mosney to go there and demonstrate peacefully until the management agrees to give food to this woman and don’t transfer her unwillingly to Limerick.
Co-archived MASI - Movement of Asylum Seekers in Ireland
A Silent good deed
Of the 92 names on this week's EVICTION Court list in Enda Kenny's constituency of Mayo, one particular man is on the list as his case was adjourned twice already. To say he was not treated with the respect that any human being should get during his last appearance would be an understatement...
If he's interested, someone might let Mr. Kenny know that he can call his banking friends and let them know that this man won't be turning up this week to be humiliated again, as sadly he recently took his own life!
this great man was as gentle and kind a man as you could ever wish to meet. Not long ago, he traveled from his home in North Mayo to county Clare and tiled a kitchen for a young mother there. He even supplied the tiles, they were left over from another job and were donated. Now think of all the expense of traveling down there, doing the work (and a great job he made of it too), putting smiles on that families faces and all he would take is €100. Despite his own financial issues, he did that. A piece of my heart went with that man.
May he rest in peace.
Of the 92 names on this week's EVICTION Court list in Enda Kenny's constituency of Mayo, one particular man is on the list as his case was adjourned twice already. To say he was not treated with the respect that any human being should get during his last appearance would be an understatement...
If he's interested, someone might let Mr. Kenny know that he can call his banking friends and let them know that this man won't be turning up this week to be humiliated again, as sadly he recently took his own life!
this great man was as gentle and kind a man as you could ever wish to meet. Not long ago, he traveled from his home in North Mayo to county Clare and tiled a kitchen for a young mother there. He even supplied the tiles, they were left over from another job and were donated. Now think of all the expense of traveling down there, doing the work (and a great job he made of it too), putting smiles on that families faces and all he would take is €100. Despite his own financial issues, he did that. A piece of my heart went with that man.
May he rest in peace.
Co-archived Ken Smollen and Garie Beattie
1st September 2016
Press statement: Councillor Michael O'Brien, Anti Austerity Alliance, Beaumont Donaghmede ward
*Dublin City Council proposal to sell two thirds of renovated Priory Hall apartments on open market must be opposed
*City Council owned developments and land must be used to meet public housing need and not perpetuate housing crisis
This morning after his appearance on RTE's morning Ireland where he discussed his opposition to Dublin City Council's proposal that only 35 out of 162 council owned renovated apartments at Priory Hall would be used for social housing local councillor Michael O'Brien reiterated:
"It is utterly perverse in the midst of a housing crisis which in the North East of Dublin City Council area amounts to over 5,000 social housing applicants not to mention those with a housing need who are ineligable to apply for social housing but find the purchase of a home totally beyond them that the council are selling on the open market almost 80% of a project they funded.
"If it was not for the Apple Tax saga this would be the biggest travesty of public policy right now. We have a scenario now where people seeking to buy these apartments could be competing with vulture fund investors who could well buy up these units and gouge an extortionate rent out of people effectively perpetuating the worst aspects of the housing crisis.
"This is part of a pattern of effective majority privatisations of publicly owned developments and land with O'Devaney Gardens, the Lawrence Lands (Oscar Traynor Road) and the Irish Glass Bottle site seeing the same type of approach. The argument that such a policy is required to effectively prevent the creation of ghettos is a grotesque insult to housing applicants. To take it to it's logical conclusion some 200,000 units plus would have to be built across the Dublin City Council area to effect the dispersal of 25,000 housing applicants to achieve the type of residential 'mix' the council officials and establishment parties desire.
"I am not indifferent to the needs of people who desire a home but are ineligible to apply for public housing because of their income levels. However this is an argument for making the right to apply for public housing universal and the reintroduction of a local authority run affordable housing scheme to take housing provision out of the hands of private developers who seek to sit on the development land they own until such time as they think they can achieve Celtic Tiger era profits.
"At next Monday night's meeting of Dublin City Council I will recommend rejection of the Assistant Chief Executive's recommendation that the sale of 51 out of 60 units in the first phase be proceeded with and will counterpose that all sixty be made available for social and affordable housing. I hope that a majority of councillors will support this demand."
Press statement: Councillor Michael O'Brien, Anti Austerity Alliance, Beaumont Donaghmede ward
*Dublin City Council proposal to sell two thirds of renovated Priory Hall apartments on open market must be opposed
*City Council owned developments and land must be used to meet public housing need and not perpetuate housing crisis
This morning after his appearance on RTE's morning Ireland where he discussed his opposition to Dublin City Council's proposal that only 35 out of 162 council owned renovated apartments at Priory Hall would be used for social housing local councillor Michael O'Brien reiterated:
"It is utterly perverse in the midst of a housing crisis which in the North East of Dublin City Council area amounts to over 5,000 social housing applicants not to mention those with a housing need who are ineligable to apply for social housing but find the purchase of a home totally beyond them that the council are selling on the open market almost 80% of a project they funded.
"If it was not for the Apple Tax saga this would be the biggest travesty of public policy right now. We have a scenario now where people seeking to buy these apartments could be competing with vulture fund investors who could well buy up these units and gouge an extortionate rent out of people effectively perpetuating the worst aspects of the housing crisis.
"This is part of a pattern of effective majority privatisations of publicly owned developments and land with O'Devaney Gardens, the Lawrence Lands (Oscar Traynor Road) and the Irish Glass Bottle site seeing the same type of approach. The argument that such a policy is required to effectively prevent the creation of ghettos is a grotesque insult to housing applicants. To take it to it's logical conclusion some 200,000 units plus would have to be built across the Dublin City Council area to effect the dispersal of 25,000 housing applicants to achieve the type of residential 'mix' the council officials and establishment parties desire.
"I am not indifferent to the needs of people who desire a home but are ineligible to apply for public housing because of their income levels. However this is an argument for making the right to apply for public housing universal and the reintroduction of a local authority run affordable housing scheme to take housing provision out of the hands of private developers who seek to sit on the development land they own until such time as they think they can achieve Celtic Tiger era profits.
"At next Monday night's meeting of Dublin City Council I will recommend rejection of the Assistant Chief Executive's recommendation that the sale of 51 out of 60 units in the first phase be proceeded with and will counterpose that all sixty be made available for social and affordable housing. I hope that a majority of councillors will support this demand."
Co-archived Councillor Michael O'Brien
City Council management and elected councillors in clash over O’Devaney Gardens future
WP legal advice contradicts DCC chief executive. Ryan calls for publication of full figures and assessment.
Dublin City Council Chief Executive Brendan Kenny has requested that councillors overturn a motion passed at the last Dublin City Council meeting on July 27th, calling for 100% mixed income, public housing to be developed on the 16 hectare O’Devaney Gardens site in Dublin 7.
Councillor Éilis Ryan, who proposed the motion, has called Kenny’s intervention “an unacceptable infringement on the democratic mandate of city councillors,” and called on city councillors who supported her motion to make clear to Kenny that they intend to uphold it.
The councillor said that the reasons given for attempting to overturn the plan for public housing on the site do not stand up to scrutiny, saying
“The council has argued that the July motion will delay building on the site because it is in contradiction with existing planning. However, we have received clear legal advice that our motion is fully compatible with the existing planning permission.
“Meanwhile, the council’s argument that our “public housing for all” plan contradicts efforts to create mixed income communities does not hold up. On the contrary, our proposal specifically provides for a public housing system that will be accessed by both low and higher income earners – many of whom currently struggle to pay rent on the private market.
There is no reason why mixed income housing must be built only by private developers – we believe public housing should be accessible to all.”
The councillor has requested the city management publish the full figures and plans of its intentions for the O’Devaney Gardens site, in order to allow an accurate assessment.
WP legal advice contradicts DCC chief executive. Ryan calls for publication of full figures and assessment.
Dublin City Council Chief Executive Brendan Kenny has requested that councillors overturn a motion passed at the last Dublin City Council meeting on July 27th, calling for 100% mixed income, public housing to be developed on the 16 hectare O’Devaney Gardens site in Dublin 7.
Councillor Éilis Ryan, who proposed the motion, has called Kenny’s intervention “an unacceptable infringement on the democratic mandate of city councillors,” and called on city councillors who supported her motion to make clear to Kenny that they intend to uphold it.
The councillor said that the reasons given for attempting to overturn the plan for public housing on the site do not stand up to scrutiny, saying
“The council has argued that the July motion will delay building on the site because it is in contradiction with existing planning. However, we have received clear legal advice that our motion is fully compatible with the existing planning permission.
“Meanwhile, the council’s argument that our “public housing for all” plan contradicts efforts to create mixed income communities does not hold up. On the contrary, our proposal specifically provides for a public housing system that will be accessed by both low and higher income earners – many of whom currently struggle to pay rent on the private market.
There is no reason why mixed income housing must be built only by private developers – we believe public housing should be accessible to all.”
The councillor has requested the city management publish the full figures and plans of its intentions for the O’Devaney Gardens site, in order to allow an accurate assessment.
Co-archived Cllr. Éilis Ryan - Workers Party Dublin Central
Household Charge Defeated In Court
Household Charge Challenge
Solicitors for Mayo County Council (M.C.C.) today (5/3/15) withdrew charges for non-payment of the 2012 Household Charge against Peter Anthony Keegan, the first man to be charged with the “offence”.
Today’s siting of the Castlebar Circuit Court saw Peter Keegan summonsed by M.C.C. to appear before Judge Mary Devins, to face charges in relation to non payment of the Household Charge.
These charges have seen Peter attending Court many times over the last 2 years, arguing and counterclaiming that the Household Charge is unenforceable due to its unconstitutional nature.
Mr Keegan has challenged the Council and their legal team to prove to the court that the Charge applied to him and to disprove his claims of unconstitutionality, and after two years attending court on multiple occasions the case is finally over.
This morning solicitor Ward McEllin, acting for Mayo County Council (plaintiff), withdrew all charges on his client’s behalf before the case could be heard. Peter Keegan walked out of Castlebar Court, a happy man, accompanied by his family and supporters
McEllin Solicitors stated it was now a matter for Revenue to pursue. However, Revenue likewise would have to succeed where M.C.C. failed, in proving the Charge was constitutional.
Mr Keegan is now protected by the Law, in that he has shown the household charge to be unenforceable, and this has been acknowledged by Judge Devins and the Court Clerk with the withdrawal of charges.
Comment
The imposition of Local Property Tax, and its forerunner the Household Charge, on a primary residence has long been something DDI has stood against, noting that it was only introduced to fill the gap left when the Department of the Environment vastly reduced Local Government funding to pay off the bondholders and the subsequent bailout costs.
This test case is a potentially huge victory for the people against the government, so you would have thought the media would be all over this, but as yet, despite being informed, they have not covered the story.
As M.C.C. failed to prove the constitutionality of this Household Charge, or prove that it applied to Mr Keegan, this opens the possibility that everyone who paid the charge, generally under duress, should be entitled to a refund of their €100 plus penalties if applied.
Furthermore, those who were bullied, harassed, threatened or frightened into paying the charge may consider seeking redress for damages. We trust also that Mr Keegan will be applying for costs for his 2 years of work and worry.
The group behind the victory may now consider looking at the Local Property Tax with a view to testing its constitutionality in the near future.
Our core group at DDI have always pushed for legal solutions for these injustices, as we do in the water charges and the repossession scandals.
We recall the collapse of the many CAHWT groups after it was taken over by far left political groupings who later abandoned the cause. Sadly their sizable fund collected for a legal challenge ended up wasted on other activities and the attempted politicising of the cause.
So today’s court victory is a victory for the ordinary people who pursued this when others abandoned ship when it was no longer beneficial to them. It highlights that some political groups intentions, methods and agendas can be counter productive to the original worthy cause.
So, congratulations to all involved for showing people that they are not helpless against the State, and that they can use the courts to enforce what is right if they use them correctly.
Addendum Note
This is a win for Peter but only a step for others. It is not a legal precedent as such because there was no order by the judge as the case was withdrawn. Neither does it prove the Charge is unconstitutional because only the Supreme Court can make that judgement.
What it is is an indication that the State may be worried they do not have a strong enough case should it be appealed as far as the Supreme Court, and do not want to take the risk. Their hope being this will not be reported and will just vanish without the general public getting to hear about it. Well they know now so we’ll see who makes the next move.
Household Charge Challenge
Solicitors for Mayo County Council (M.C.C.) today (5/3/15) withdrew charges for non-payment of the 2012 Household Charge against Peter Anthony Keegan, the first man to be charged with the “offence”.
Today’s siting of the Castlebar Circuit Court saw Peter Keegan summonsed by M.C.C. to appear before Judge Mary Devins, to face charges in relation to non payment of the Household Charge.
These charges have seen Peter attending Court many times over the last 2 years, arguing and counterclaiming that the Household Charge is unenforceable due to its unconstitutional nature.
Mr Keegan has challenged the Council and their legal team to prove to the court that the Charge applied to him and to disprove his claims of unconstitutionality, and after two years attending court on multiple occasions the case is finally over.
This morning solicitor Ward McEllin, acting for Mayo County Council (plaintiff), withdrew all charges on his client’s behalf before the case could be heard. Peter Keegan walked out of Castlebar Court, a happy man, accompanied by his family and supporters
McEllin Solicitors stated it was now a matter for Revenue to pursue. However, Revenue likewise would have to succeed where M.C.C. failed, in proving the Charge was constitutional.
Mr Keegan is now protected by the Law, in that he has shown the household charge to be unenforceable, and this has been acknowledged by Judge Devins and the Court Clerk with the withdrawal of charges.
Comment
The imposition of Local Property Tax, and its forerunner the Household Charge, on a primary residence has long been something DDI has stood against, noting that it was only introduced to fill the gap left when the Department of the Environment vastly reduced Local Government funding to pay off the bondholders and the subsequent bailout costs.
This test case is a potentially huge victory for the people against the government, so you would have thought the media would be all over this, but as yet, despite being informed, they have not covered the story.
As M.C.C. failed to prove the constitutionality of this Household Charge, or prove that it applied to Mr Keegan, this opens the possibility that everyone who paid the charge, generally under duress, should be entitled to a refund of their €100 plus penalties if applied.
Furthermore, those who were bullied, harassed, threatened or frightened into paying the charge may consider seeking redress for damages. We trust also that Mr Keegan will be applying for costs for his 2 years of work and worry.
The group behind the victory may now consider looking at the Local Property Tax with a view to testing its constitutionality in the near future.
Our core group at DDI have always pushed for legal solutions for these injustices, as we do in the water charges and the repossession scandals.
We recall the collapse of the many CAHWT groups after it was taken over by far left political groupings who later abandoned the cause. Sadly their sizable fund collected for a legal challenge ended up wasted on other activities and the attempted politicising of the cause.
So today’s court victory is a victory for the ordinary people who pursued this when others abandoned ship when it was no longer beneficial to them. It highlights that some political groups intentions, methods and agendas can be counter productive to the original worthy cause.
So, congratulations to all involved for showing people that they are not helpless against the State, and that they can use the courts to enforce what is right if they use them correctly.
Addendum Note
This is a win for Peter but only a step for others. It is not a legal precedent as such because there was no order by the judge as the case was withdrawn. Neither does it prove the Charge is unconstitutional because only the Supreme Court can make that judgement.
What it is is an indication that the State may be worried they do not have a strong enough case should it be appealed as far as the Supreme Court, and do not want to take the risk. Their hope being this will not be reported and will just vanish without the general public getting to hear about it. Well they know now so we’ll see who makes the next move.
Co-archived Damian Gibney
50 thousand mortgages are to be sold by mainstream back to the newly arrived vulture funds and large discounts: it will then be shown on the Banks books as write-downs / write-offs. Most Vulture funds will get a discount of 58%.
US private equity fund ‘Fortress Credit Venture’ paid just €250 in tax in this country but has 21 million in revenues in 2015: section 110 again.
Here goes: 19 million in interest and administration left it paying just €250 to revenue.
US private equity fund ‘Fortress Credit Venture’ paid just €250 in tax in this country but has 21 million in revenues in 2015: section 110 again.
Here goes: 19 million in interest and administration left it paying just €250 to revenue.
Co-archived The Hub - Ireland
Cllrs in Social Housing Scam Photo shoot
Expect both of next weeks controlled newspapers and other aligned media to have a section on social housing as a huge photo shoot was held the other day at Castle Street in Wicklow Town. This Council arranged photo shoot is to give the illusion of more Council housing coming on stream.
Of course, these are NOT Council houses. Yes, they once were once upon a time, but not anymore. Last year this Wicklow County Council owned property lock stock and barrel was handed over free gratis by the Council to the Simon Community. The Simon Community has set up just one of the now hundreds of these infamous private charity owned Approved Housing bodies.
Not alone were they handed a Council asset for free but they were also handed 700,000 to renovate the property to a liveable standard. Now our Councillors along with Council officials have arrived to stand with highly paid Simon Community Executives and staff to smile for the cameras to sell the illusion of Social housing.
The private charity will now rent the building back to Wicklow County Council to house people from the housing list. And somehow this is progress. They took an asset owned by the people of Wicklow Town and County, handed it free to a private charity who also got more money from the people to renovate. The people of Wicklow now pay them rent to rent back their own property.
As we have seen here in Wicklow. Ex Councillors are popping up on the boards of these Private “Approved Housing Bodies”. It seems it is good news for some people but certainly not for the people footing the bill or the people being housed.
If there is so much money around then why aren’t people hired by Wicklow County Council and all other councils to build proper social housing? In the 80s when there was no money at all Wicklow build 500 houses per year. Instead, we get builders from outside the county building houses for private charities fully funded by the taxpayer to rent back to the Council.
Smile for the camera, please….. You are all doing a great job…… Of wasting public money.
Expect both of next weeks controlled newspapers and other aligned media to have a section on social housing as a huge photo shoot was held the other day at Castle Street in Wicklow Town. This Council arranged photo shoot is to give the illusion of more Council housing coming on stream.
Of course, these are NOT Council houses. Yes, they once were once upon a time, but not anymore. Last year this Wicklow County Council owned property lock stock and barrel was handed over free gratis by the Council to the Simon Community. The Simon Community has set up just one of the now hundreds of these infamous private charity owned Approved Housing bodies.
Not alone were they handed a Council asset for free but they were also handed 700,000 to renovate the property to a liveable standard. Now our Councillors along with Council officials have arrived to stand with highly paid Simon Community Executives and staff to smile for the cameras to sell the illusion of Social housing.
The private charity will now rent the building back to Wicklow County Council to house people from the housing list. And somehow this is progress. They took an asset owned by the people of Wicklow Town and County, handed it free to a private charity who also got more money from the people to renovate. The people of Wicklow now pay them rent to rent back their own property.
As we have seen here in Wicklow. Ex Councillors are popping up on the boards of these Private “Approved Housing Bodies”. It seems it is good news for some people but certainly not for the people footing the bill or the people being housed.
If there is so much money around then why aren’t people hired by Wicklow County Council and all other councils to build proper social housing? In the 80s when there was no money at all Wicklow build 500 houses per year. Instead, we get builders from outside the county building houses for private charities fully funded by the taxpayer to rent back to the Council.
Smile for the camera, please….. You are all doing a great job…… Of wasting public money.
Co-archived Wicklow Watch
Discussions around rent certainty in Ireland usually present the debate as a zero-sum trade between rent regulation and supply. If we have regulation we will have no supply, and if we want more supply we have to have no regulation. This debate is really unhelpful and we need to move beyond it. There is lots we could say about this but let's focus on a couple of key points. First off, rent certainty is a flexible measure that can be adjusted to suit the circumstances. For example, if we set a rent certainty policy which allows rents to be increased by 100% each year it will have no impact on supply. On the other extreme, if we set rent certainty so that rents could increase by 0% each year then there would be an impact on supply in many areas. So the issue is not whether we should have rent certainty, but what level of rent certainty do we need to obtain the results we want, i.e. the level of rents tenants can afford and the level of supply we want. Second off, the impact of rent certainty on landlords, and therefor on supply, can be off set by other measures. For example, slightly lower taxation of rental income for landlords would mean that rent certainty would have no impact whatsoever on supply. Finally, while there is a lot of talk about increasing supply, there is never a discussion about how much rental accommodation we actually want. Currently 1/3 households in Dublin live in rental accommodation. Do we want that share to increase? Given that 1/3 of renters are receiving rent supplement, would it not make more sense to increase social housing instead? The point is that pandering to landlords is not the only way to increase the supply of housing. The reality is that the idea that 'we cant have rent certainty because supply' is a not a policy argument it is a purely political argument, it is a strategy to shut down debate around rent certainty.
Co-archived Dublin Tenants Association
This week’s figures on homelessness and rent increases provide further evidence of the on-going housing crisis. Unfortunately, the government’s Action Plan for Housing and Homelessness provides no meaningful change on these policies. Despite the statements of commitment to a ‘return’ to social housing provision and acknowledgement of the failure of the private market approach - the actual policy within the Action Plan remains centred upon re-igniting the private market, commodity finance and developer-led property model.
The other main area where the plan fails is the issue of state (Exchequer) funding for new building of social housing by local authorities. The plan claims to be providing 47,000 units of new social housing by the end-of 2021 (an increase on the 35,600 new social housing units planned in the 2014 strategy).
However, just as with the 2014 strategy these social housing units are dependent on various forms of private financing, ‘off-balance sheet’ mechanisms, Public Private Partnerships, acquisition from the private market and delivery from Part V mechanisms (10% of new developments are to be available for social housing). The figures for what number of units are to come from these mechanisms is unclear in the Action Plan but my analysis of the 2014 social housing strategy showed that less than a third of the new social housing building was going to come from exchequer funded local authority housing. The rest was to come from the various forms of private finance and privatised housing provision mechanisms outlined above.
The Action Plan appears to be no different. You can see in the graph below that the direct 'build' of social housing (represented by dark blue shade at the bottom; and it appears only a proportion of this will come from direct exchequer capital funding. This will be clearer from the figures in October's budget) will only be a small proportion of new social housing up to 2021 with a strong reliance on private rental sector provision of social housing through HAP and RAS.
Yet the mechanisms which the plan relies on to provide social housing - the private finance, investor and developer led initiatives - have failed over and over again to provide affordable and quality housing. Yet here we are, continuing this failed neoliberal approach that further commodifies, commercialises and financialises the provision of, and access to, the basic need that is housing.
Funding and promoting the private building industry is the priority in this approach through further privatising and commercialising the delivery of social housing. As a result, the only mechanism that can guarantee the provision of affordable and accessible housing - direct state funding through local authorities - is given much too little a role in the Action Plan.
The other main area where the plan fails is the issue of state (Exchequer) funding for new building of social housing by local authorities. The plan claims to be providing 47,000 units of new social housing by the end-of 2021 (an increase on the 35,600 new social housing units planned in the 2014 strategy).
However, just as with the 2014 strategy these social housing units are dependent on various forms of private financing, ‘off-balance sheet’ mechanisms, Public Private Partnerships, acquisition from the private market and delivery from Part V mechanisms (10% of new developments are to be available for social housing). The figures for what number of units are to come from these mechanisms is unclear in the Action Plan but my analysis of the 2014 social housing strategy showed that less than a third of the new social housing building was going to come from exchequer funded local authority housing. The rest was to come from the various forms of private finance and privatised housing provision mechanisms outlined above.
The Action Plan appears to be no different. You can see in the graph below that the direct 'build' of social housing (represented by dark blue shade at the bottom; and it appears only a proportion of this will come from direct exchequer capital funding. This will be clearer from the figures in October's budget) will only be a small proportion of new social housing up to 2021 with a strong reliance on private rental sector provision of social housing through HAP and RAS.
Yet the mechanisms which the plan relies on to provide social housing - the private finance, investor and developer led initiatives - have failed over and over again to provide affordable and quality housing. Yet here we are, continuing this failed neoliberal approach that further commodifies, commercialises and financialises the provision of, and access to, the basic need that is housing.
Funding and promoting the private building industry is the priority in this approach through further privatising and commercialising the delivery of social housing. As a result, the only mechanism that can guarantee the provision of affordable and accessible housing - direct state funding through local authorities - is given much too little a role in the Action Plan.
Co-archived Rory Hearne
Sitting here with mixed emotions: both anger and sorrow.
Remember the day in Trim last month where Judge Griffin gave out possession orders like confetti? The day of the Long Knives: the day the Court Service moved Griffin from Naas Court to Trim Court.
Well Griffin: one of your Possession Order just took the life of a soul: found hanged: another family coming to terms over the loss of another innocent, decent soul: another family ripped apart. Christ; after just getting off the phone to his partner I am finding it really hard to control what I say in this post: but I will for the dignity of the Man & his family.
May you rest in piece, Please light a candle for this soul and prey for his extended family, they are in bits.
Griffin: God will want a word with you one day...................... hope I am there to witness that.
Remember the day in Trim last month where Judge Griffin gave out possession orders like confetti? The day of the Long Knives: the day the Court Service moved Griffin from Naas Court to Trim Court.
Well Griffin: one of your Possession Order just took the life of a soul: found hanged: another family coming to terms over the loss of another innocent, decent soul: another family ripped apart. Christ; after just getting off the phone to his partner I am finding it really hard to control what I say in this post: but I will for the dignity of the Man & his family.
May you rest in piece, Please light a candle for this soul and prey for his extended family, they are in bits.
Griffin: God will want a word with you one day...................... hope I am there to witness that.
Co-archived Byron Jenkins
What may have been the largest squat in Europe, at Grangegorman in Dublin, was recently evicted for the second time. A major hardship for the 30 people living there but one that was rapidly improved on when many of them moved a kilometre down the road and occupied a long abandoned prison.
The Debtors Prison on Halston street was built in 1794 and actually lies between Halston Street and Green Street. The ‘U’ shaped 3 storey building is built of granite and limestone and was built as a luxury prison for the wealthy who had run up gambling debts. There were 33 such rooms / cells which were rented either furnished or unfurnished. If you weren’t rich you were thrown into the basement, Dublin at the time had 5 debtors prison and this one alone could accommodate 100.
It later saw use as a police barracks, both the RIC and the Garda, and in the 1960s for public housing. After that it was threatened with demolition in the period when many historic buildings and indeed squares were pulled down to make way for ‘development’ before being leased by Students Against the Destruction of Dublin, a campaigning group formed by architecture students in the 1980s and then handed back to the Office of Public Works (OPW).
Ireland has a very hostile legal climate for squatting, which is a major part of the reason why despite a severe housing shortage the centre of Dublin is full of both long abandoned buildings and people sleeping on the streets. Property speculators rest safe in the knowledge that if their muscle fails to illegally evict squatters judges will issue injunctions to force them out, even if no intention exists to use the building.
In this case though the building is state owned, but has still been allowed to remain derelict for a number of years. Of course once it was being brought back into use outside its control the state panicked and suddenly was concerned for the health and safety of a group of people it had just evicted to the ‘health and safety’ of the streets. But apparently without shame the Department of Public Expenditure and the Office of Public Works told Mr Justice Michael Hanna that for a range of reasons running from the state of the electricity supply to the presence of pigeon droppings this group had to be forced back onto the streets for their own good.
The occupiers argued in court that the states claim to title was no better than theirs but they needed time to demonstrate this. The judge gave them a week but ordered them to be out by midnight Sunday.
The occupiers posted a statement to the Facebook page set up to resist the eviction of their previous accommodations at Grangegorman, which reads
“The Debtors Prison on Halston Street has recently been occupied by a collective of artists. The prison has been left empty and has fallen into disrepair. The occupants are currently seeking support and cooperation from the organisation responsible for the maintenance of the building, the Office of Public Works, as well as the local community. The occupants have stated that their intention is to restore the building and open the ground floor for exhibitions and walking tours which would highlight social injustices from the past until today. The occupants are hard at work preparing the space and launching projects.”
So what happen’s if the state gets them evicted? Well according to the website site of An Taisce, the National Trust of Ireland the prison is “Vacant with no identified new use”. They go on to say “The building is suffering from major conservation problems. Most of the external fabric remains, but there are obvious signs of deterioration such as slipped slates, vegetation growth, broken windows and vandalism. There is no immediate danger of collapse but condition is such that unless urgent remedial works are carried out the building will sharply deteriorate… The building is of significant historic importance and requires conservation works to prevent further deterioration.”
Or in other words this building badly needs to be occupied and brought back into use to prevent further deterioration. A large group of people are doing just this and this group have already a proven record of hosting free artistic and community events in their previous base at Grangegorman. We also understand that a small local business offered a grant of 10k per annum towards restoration for the next decade if OPW allowed them a long term zero cost lease.
The state which insists it doesn’t have the funds to fix the building up when faced with a group of people willing to do so for nothing drags them into the courts and seeks to kick them out on the streets.
The Debtors Prison on Halston street was built in 1794 and actually lies between Halston Street and Green Street. The ‘U’ shaped 3 storey building is built of granite and limestone and was built as a luxury prison for the wealthy who had run up gambling debts. There were 33 such rooms / cells which were rented either furnished or unfurnished. If you weren’t rich you were thrown into the basement, Dublin at the time had 5 debtors prison and this one alone could accommodate 100.
It later saw use as a police barracks, both the RIC and the Garda, and in the 1960s for public housing. After that it was threatened with demolition in the period when many historic buildings and indeed squares were pulled down to make way for ‘development’ before being leased by Students Against the Destruction of Dublin, a campaigning group formed by architecture students in the 1980s and then handed back to the Office of Public Works (OPW).
Ireland has a very hostile legal climate for squatting, which is a major part of the reason why despite a severe housing shortage the centre of Dublin is full of both long abandoned buildings and people sleeping on the streets. Property speculators rest safe in the knowledge that if their muscle fails to illegally evict squatters judges will issue injunctions to force them out, even if no intention exists to use the building.
In this case though the building is state owned, but has still been allowed to remain derelict for a number of years. Of course once it was being brought back into use outside its control the state panicked and suddenly was concerned for the health and safety of a group of people it had just evicted to the ‘health and safety’ of the streets. But apparently without shame the Department of Public Expenditure and the Office of Public Works told Mr Justice Michael Hanna that for a range of reasons running from the state of the electricity supply to the presence of pigeon droppings this group had to be forced back onto the streets for their own good.
The occupiers argued in court that the states claim to title was no better than theirs but they needed time to demonstrate this. The judge gave them a week but ordered them to be out by midnight Sunday.
The occupiers posted a statement to the Facebook page set up to resist the eviction of their previous accommodations at Grangegorman, which reads
“The Debtors Prison on Halston Street has recently been occupied by a collective of artists. The prison has been left empty and has fallen into disrepair. The occupants are currently seeking support and cooperation from the organisation responsible for the maintenance of the building, the Office of Public Works, as well as the local community. The occupants have stated that their intention is to restore the building and open the ground floor for exhibitions and walking tours which would highlight social injustices from the past until today. The occupants are hard at work preparing the space and launching projects.”
So what happen’s if the state gets them evicted? Well according to the website site of An Taisce, the National Trust of Ireland the prison is “Vacant with no identified new use”. They go on to say “The building is suffering from major conservation problems. Most of the external fabric remains, but there are obvious signs of deterioration such as slipped slates, vegetation growth, broken windows and vandalism. There is no immediate danger of collapse but condition is such that unless urgent remedial works are carried out the building will sharply deteriorate… The building is of significant historic importance and requires conservation works to prevent further deterioration.”
Or in other words this building badly needs to be occupied and brought back into use to prevent further deterioration. A large group of people are doing just this and this group have already a proven record of hosting free artistic and community events in their previous base at Grangegorman. We also understand that a small local business offered a grant of 10k per annum towards restoration for the next decade if OPW allowed them a long term zero cost lease.
The state which insists it doesn’t have the funds to fix the building up when faced with a group of people willing to do so for nothing drags them into the courts and seeks to kick them out on the streets.
Co-archived Workers Solidarity Movement (Ireland)
I got a strange email, early this morning, to clarify the existence of the 75 Dorset Street-former Centre in Dublin on the Asylum Archive webpage. Apparently the current owner of the property was slightly concerned to see it as the part of ongoing research on the sites of, present and past, incarceration and confinement.
Co-archived Asylum Archive
After all this campaigning.....DCC seem to be planning to put stackable shipping container style units on the site. On July 22nd at 11.40am a group of about 12 people in suits from Lewisham Council in London, who gave a presentation to DCC on Rapid Build Modular Housing, were seen being shown around the Bridgefoot street park site by DCC Housing officials. Why were they shown the site? What other reason could it be but BECAUSE it is proposed site for rapid build modular housing.
Co-archived Bridgefoot park
In June 2016, the County Registrar in Castlebar Fintan J Murphy adjourned a possession case for 3 months against a man in his 50's with the final warning that "I can't see a way out for you. I will grant you 1 final adjournment to get your house in order. If you haven't discharged the debt in full by then, I will grant the possession order. When the banks insist, my hands are tied." Never once did he ask the bank about any other option. All or nothing within 3 months or the man would lose his family home, a home passed down to him through generations. The 'alleged' debt was €38,000 in total including about half in extra interest, solicitor and court fees and 'other' miscellaneous charges.
At the previous hearing when the man was due in court, his doctor wrote a letter to the court explaining that this man was in a very unstable condition mentally and wasn't in a position to deal with the matter at that stage. The Registrar completely disregarded the doctors letter as "having nothing to do with these proceedings" despite the objections of many observers. It was precisely because of the proceedings and the constant pressure from the bank that he fell ill in the first place. The Registrar demanded that this man appear before him the next time unless he wanted the possession order granted against him.
So, in June 2016 this man stood before Mayo County Registrar Fintan J Murphy to plead his case. Shaking like a leaf, this man tried to read an affidavit of defence into court. The Registrar stopped him almost immediately knowing that he couldn't grant a possession order if this man enters an affidavit of defence and then he issued him with that 'final warning', adjourning the case until September. By the time the case came around in September, that man had taken his own life. During the hearing, I informed Murphy that he was complicit in this man's death by disregarding the doctor's letter and disregarding that this man was very obviously unwell. Along with the bank involved Start Mortgages and their agents, I believe this man died because of the pressures the bank and the court were putting him under. It's called corporate manslaughter. Murphy immediately demanded that I withdraw the remark but I haven't and I won't. Should I withdraw my remark? Should I apologize? I made a promise to that man and I intend to honor it.
Unfortunately, this story isn't old or even uncommon these days. Just ask anyone with The National Land League, The Hub, The Anti Eviction Taskforce or any other group or individual working these courts. This is what happens every week, every day. But we cannot talk about it or try to stop it. It's another shameful episode in our history except this doesn't happen 30 or 40 years ago. This is Ireland in the 21st century. And the mainstream, the politicos, the establishment but worst of all the majority of ordinary people in this country either have no idea or are very happy to completely ignore it. That's all grand until it lands on your doorstep, or that of your children, friend or neighbour, just like it did to my friend.
Rest In Peace J.P. We haven't nor will we ever forget about you.
At the previous hearing when the man was due in court, his doctor wrote a letter to the court explaining that this man was in a very unstable condition mentally and wasn't in a position to deal with the matter at that stage. The Registrar completely disregarded the doctors letter as "having nothing to do with these proceedings" despite the objections of many observers. It was precisely because of the proceedings and the constant pressure from the bank that he fell ill in the first place. The Registrar demanded that this man appear before him the next time unless he wanted the possession order granted against him.
So, in June 2016 this man stood before Mayo County Registrar Fintan J Murphy to plead his case. Shaking like a leaf, this man tried to read an affidavit of defence into court. The Registrar stopped him almost immediately knowing that he couldn't grant a possession order if this man enters an affidavit of defence and then he issued him with that 'final warning', adjourning the case until September. By the time the case came around in September, that man had taken his own life. During the hearing, I informed Murphy that he was complicit in this man's death by disregarding the doctor's letter and disregarding that this man was very obviously unwell. Along with the bank involved Start Mortgages and their agents, I believe this man died because of the pressures the bank and the court were putting him under. It's called corporate manslaughter. Murphy immediately demanded that I withdraw the remark but I haven't and I won't. Should I withdraw my remark? Should I apologize? I made a promise to that man and I intend to honor it.
Unfortunately, this story isn't old or even uncommon these days. Just ask anyone with The National Land League, The Hub, The Anti Eviction Taskforce or any other group or individual working these courts. This is what happens every week, every day. But we cannot talk about it or try to stop it. It's another shameful episode in our history except this doesn't happen 30 or 40 years ago. This is Ireland in the 21st century. And the mainstream, the politicos, the establishment but worst of all the majority of ordinary people in this country either have no idea or are very happy to completely ignore it. That's all grand until it lands on your doorstep, or that of your children, friend or neighbour, just like it did to my friend.
Rest In Peace J.P. We haven't nor will we ever forget about you.
Co-archived Garie Beattie
Seizure of 11,000 homes hit by ruling
This was the headlines in the Indo. The Irish Times gave the headline as “Circuit Court judged not to have jurisdiction to make possession orders”.
The papers then went on to give their take on the ruling; stating that Cases which may be affected by the Court of Appeal’s decision are;
- where a dwelling was built after May 2002;
- where the mortgage was entered into before December 1st 2009;
- and, where repossession proceedings were initiated before July 31st, 2013.
The dispute over the Circuit Court’s jurisdiction over property cases arose as a consequence of the Valuation Act 2001. This Act abolished rates on domestic dwellings. It became law in May 2002. The three judges in the appeals court unanimously ruled that, where a property is not rateable as a result of the Valuation Act, the Circuit Court has no jurisdiction.
Whilst the Case stated, on the point of Jurisdiction, and the fact that the Mortgagee use of: That the Mortgagee and /or (Banks) others have devised and used an ad hoc; non-statutory process which is devoid of legal effect, for the purpose of persuading the Circuit Court that it had Jurisdiction, which it does not in fact enjoy.
Now, lets get to the nitty-gritty: Dave Langan has won his case, happy out. But when you look at the Judgement with a jaundiced eye, two things standout:
Dwellings built after 2009; Rates on domestic properties were abolished in 1977, that was the date of abolition . The date of July 31st 2013 is very significant, as this was the date that THE LAND AND CONVEYANCING LAW REFORM ACT 2013 (Eviction Bill) came into affect and the ruling implies that anything AFTER that date is covered by the ‘Eviction Bill’: This is simply NOT SO in our opinion. we still have families coming into us with paperwork where the indorsement of claim only claims Jurisdiction using Rateable Value, well after the magic date!
As ever, the Courts throw a crumb but try to blindside us: but there is even MORE within the Judgement but that is for a later date.... It is called “a Judgement: an opinion of sorts”.
The Judgement should be appealed but it won’t be. Mr Langan has won, and won hands down. For the rest of us, the above observations will be argued out in the Circuit Courts around the country.
But in reality, it comes down to two points that are incorrect in the ruling; 1. the date of the abolishment of Rates and, 2. the “implied right” that the ‘Eviction Bill’ corked all holes thereafter. “A lacuna in this situation is the fact that the law or provision of, is lacking in the first place”.
Write to the Valuations office and ask 4 questions:
(1) Is the property numbered (folio) 12345 rateable?
(2) Has the property numbered (folio) 12345 been rated at anytime?
(3) If the property numbered (folio) 12345 has been rated; is it still rated?
(4) If the property numbered (folio) 12345 is not rated: when did the rateable value cease?
Please do not deviate from the above question; your answers may be brought into a Court of Law in Ireland and you maybe subpoenaed into that hearing.
Why put the Valuations on notice ‘not to deviate’ from the questions: because the only answers that can come back:
(a) No, the property numbered (folio) 12345 is not rateable.
(b) The property numbered (folio) 12345 has not been rated since 1977.
(c) Rates were abolished in 1977.
(d) Rates CEASED to exist in 1977.
And now to the date: of July 31st 2013, well that date DOES NOT: rubber stamp the Jurisdiction just because of Mr Alan Shatter’s Eviction Bill. The Indorsement of Claim does; and regardless of the Judgement, back to where it all started “the mortgagee and others have devised and used an ad hoc; non-statutory process which is devoid of legal effect, for the purpose of persuading the Circuit Court that it had Jurisdiction, which it does not in fact enjoy”.
The battle will continue through the Circuit Court for those willing to fight. For those that are willing to continue the fight, ( in our humble opinion), stop calling them Banks: they are Mortgagee’s and stop doing Appeals, start doing Judicial Reviews.
Judicial reviews mean one thing:
“you do not accept the ruling”,
After all, to appeal is is seen as acceptance of the very ruling but you are appealing !!!!
A Judicial Review takes you out of the Circus Court! and into the High Court.
The Master of the High Court keeps on saying “get yourselves out of the Circuit Court, they don’t know what they are doing”.
A Judicial Review with a Stay on the ‘Order’ pending your Review.
A Notice of Motion for the DAR recordings to prove your case.
Bring the County Registrar and Circuit Court Judges to task.
The Hub – Ireland has the tool but only you know your case!
Never ever give up your home!
This was the headlines in the Indo. The Irish Times gave the headline as “Circuit Court judged not to have jurisdiction to make possession orders”.
The papers then went on to give their take on the ruling; stating that Cases which may be affected by the Court of Appeal’s decision are;
- where a dwelling was built after May 2002;
- where the mortgage was entered into before December 1st 2009;
- and, where repossession proceedings were initiated before July 31st, 2013.
The dispute over the Circuit Court’s jurisdiction over property cases arose as a consequence of the Valuation Act 2001. This Act abolished rates on domestic dwellings. It became law in May 2002. The three judges in the appeals court unanimously ruled that, where a property is not rateable as a result of the Valuation Act, the Circuit Court has no jurisdiction.
Whilst the Case stated, on the point of Jurisdiction, and the fact that the Mortgagee use of: That the Mortgagee and /or (Banks) others have devised and used an ad hoc; non-statutory process which is devoid of legal effect, for the purpose of persuading the Circuit Court that it had Jurisdiction, which it does not in fact enjoy.
Now, lets get to the nitty-gritty: Dave Langan has won his case, happy out. But when you look at the Judgement with a jaundiced eye, two things standout:
Dwellings built after 2009; Rates on domestic properties were abolished in 1977, that was the date of abolition . The date of July 31st 2013 is very significant, as this was the date that THE LAND AND CONVEYANCING LAW REFORM ACT 2013 (Eviction Bill) came into affect and the ruling implies that anything AFTER that date is covered by the ‘Eviction Bill’: This is simply NOT SO in our opinion. we still have families coming into us with paperwork where the indorsement of claim only claims Jurisdiction using Rateable Value, well after the magic date!
As ever, the Courts throw a crumb but try to blindside us: but there is even MORE within the Judgement but that is for a later date.... It is called “a Judgement: an opinion of sorts”.
The Judgement should be appealed but it won’t be. Mr Langan has won, and won hands down. For the rest of us, the above observations will be argued out in the Circuit Courts around the country.
But in reality, it comes down to two points that are incorrect in the ruling; 1. the date of the abolishment of Rates and, 2. the “implied right” that the ‘Eviction Bill’ corked all holes thereafter. “A lacuna in this situation is the fact that the law or provision of, is lacking in the first place”.
Write to the Valuations office and ask 4 questions:
(1) Is the property numbered (folio) 12345 rateable?
(2) Has the property numbered (folio) 12345 been rated at anytime?
(3) If the property numbered (folio) 12345 has been rated; is it still rated?
(4) If the property numbered (folio) 12345 is not rated: when did the rateable value cease?
Please do not deviate from the above question; your answers may be brought into a Court of Law in Ireland and you maybe subpoenaed into that hearing.
Why put the Valuations on notice ‘not to deviate’ from the questions: because the only answers that can come back:
(a) No, the property numbered (folio) 12345 is not rateable.
(b) The property numbered (folio) 12345 has not been rated since 1977.
(c) Rates were abolished in 1977.
(d) Rates CEASED to exist in 1977.
And now to the date: of July 31st 2013, well that date DOES NOT: rubber stamp the Jurisdiction just because of Mr Alan Shatter’s Eviction Bill. The Indorsement of Claim does; and regardless of the Judgement, back to where it all started “the mortgagee and others have devised and used an ad hoc; non-statutory process which is devoid of legal effect, for the purpose of persuading the Circuit Court that it had Jurisdiction, which it does not in fact enjoy”.
The battle will continue through the Circuit Court for those willing to fight. For those that are willing to continue the fight, ( in our humble opinion), stop calling them Banks: they are Mortgagee’s and stop doing Appeals, start doing Judicial Reviews.
Judicial reviews mean one thing:
“you do not accept the ruling”,
After all, to appeal is is seen as acceptance of the very ruling but you are appealing !!!!
A Judicial Review takes you out of the Circus Court! and into the High Court.
The Master of the High Court keeps on saying “get yourselves out of the Circuit Court, they don’t know what they are doing”.
A Judicial Review with a Stay on the ‘Order’ pending your Review.
A Notice of Motion for the DAR recordings to prove your case.
Bring the County Registrar and Circuit Court Judges to task.
The Hub – Ireland has the tool but only you know your case!
Never ever give up your home!
I remember the room 24 on the second floor in the Old Convent Centre in Ballyhaunis clearly. That was my room. I used to write in my room: 'In the night, I wake up. I gently open the door of my room. I close the door. The key is in my pocket. I go down the stairs. No body is awake. The Centre is asleep. I open the door of the recreation room. On the top of the shelf, just above the fridge, is the yellow container. In the yellow containers there is white slice pan wrapped in a cellophane. Beside the bread, in the same container, is the butter and jam. The same butter and jam that you can get in some B&B's or even hotels. The CCTV camera is just above the yellow container. I hope no body is watching. I am afraid to ask the security : 'Can I please get some butter and jam and bread'? I slowly and secretly take white slice pan, wrapped in cellophane, butter and jam. As I am leaving the recreation room, I can see the fly on the wall. Silent. Almost dead. But still alive.
I open the door of my room. I am not sure what the time is. I don't have to wake up for breakfast. I unwrap the bread. I open the butter and jam. I have no knife. I have to use my fingers to spread butter and jam on the white slice pan bread. My hands are not clean. I have to wash them first. I don't have the soap in my room. I have to go to the bathroom that is at the end of the second floor. I have to leave my room again. What is the best way to get to the bathroom? I take off my shoes. I make my way to the bathroom to wash my hands. I can hear the residents snoring. I open the bathroom door gently. I switch on the lights. There is no soap or washing up liquid in the bathroom at the end of the second floor of the Centre. I wash my hands with water only. In my room; I use my finger to spread the butter on the white bread. Then in the same room I use the same finger to spread the jam on the butter that is already on the white slice pan bread. I enjoy it. I was hungry. I can hear the birds chirping. It is almost dawn in the centre.
I hear that the Government has an intention to extend direct provision Centres; to open the new Centres to accommodate asylum seekers.
Could you please stop direct provision and end all deportations!
I open the door of my room. I am not sure what the time is. I don't have to wake up for breakfast. I unwrap the bread. I open the butter and jam. I have no knife. I have to use my fingers to spread butter and jam on the white slice pan bread. My hands are not clean. I have to wash them first. I don't have the soap in my room. I have to go to the bathroom that is at the end of the second floor. I have to leave my room again. What is the best way to get to the bathroom? I take off my shoes. I make my way to the bathroom to wash my hands. I can hear the residents snoring. I open the bathroom door gently. I switch on the lights. There is no soap or washing up liquid in the bathroom at the end of the second floor of the Centre. I wash my hands with water only. In my room; I use my finger to spread the butter on the white bread. Then in the same room I use the same finger to spread the jam on the butter that is already on the white slice pan bread. I enjoy it. I was hungry. I can hear the birds chirping. It is almost dawn in the centre.
I hear that the Government has an intention to extend direct provision Centres; to open the new Centres to accommodate asylum seekers.
Could you please stop direct provision and end all deportations!
Co-archived Asylum Archive
Somebody needs to be FIRED in Wicklow County Council
Now that the dust has settled and the headlines have disappeared on the John Brady illegal eviction case we’ve had time to reflect on what it means. Somebody in Wicklow County Council Senior Management needs to be held responsible. Somebody needs to be at least fired.
What has become clear is that this is not the first time that Wicklow County Council continuously engages in very expensive court cases taken with our money. Last December another major case in the Supreme Court was lost against another former elected official.
In recent memory, we’ve also seen Wicklow County Council involved in another case against other elected councillors to have them removed from the council. Thankfully common sense prevailed then too when the Council was told by the Supreme Court that they don’t have the right to remove democratically elected people from our council.
These are only a few small examples of the expensive Councils legal forays. I could mention others like the Bray Fighters case, which had two court cases. There are a couple more in court at this very moment.
There are dozens of cases involving Wicklow County Council at any one time. Not all of these are frivolous or wrong. Lots of them are serious and our council should defend or initiate them. We’re not talking about those.
But it appears that when these expensive frivolous cases do come along the council does not know when to admit wrongdoing.
hey continue to rack up costs in the name of “Defending the councils interests”. They have somehow mixed up “defending the Council interests” with “defending personal egos” when it comes to these expensive frivolous court cases.
The costs of the frivolous court cases taken or defended by Wicklow County Council are astronomical. We have to remember that this money comes directly out of services. Individuals in the council senior management use our money as if it were monopoly money to stroke their own egos and slap elected officials who don’t come in line with whatever agenda they have at the time.
These costs over the years are running into millions. Just the first two cases mentioned here will probably hit the million mark alone.
So why isn’t any member of senior management ever held responsible for this gross mishandling of our money? Money badly needed. Several Wicklow County Council offices in the last few months have been closed due to lack of staff. The housing desk only opened until 1pm and multiple cuts to services.
Not one single member of management in Wicklow County Council has gotten as much as a slap on the wrist for this gross misconduct. We see members of the senior management splashed all over the Wicklow People at every crisp bag opening but not one has ever appeared to answer for this unbelievable misconduct at best and sinister personal agendas at worst.
So why hasn’t any member of senior management been held accountable for this? Where is the transparency? We as citizens of Wicklow, owners and financial backers of Wicklow County Council should see the costs of these frivolous cases.
Who in the senior management is pursuing these frivolous and very expensive court cases? We deserve to know who is and who isn’t working for the people of Wicklow. There are definitely members of the senior management team working to their own personal agenda and egos.
One local newspaper headline demanded an apology for one of these cases. While an apology would be welcome I don’t think that comes anywhere close to being enough. The people pursuing these cases need to be identified, held publically accountable and FIRED.
Now that the dust has settled and the headlines have disappeared on the John Brady illegal eviction case we’ve had time to reflect on what it means. Somebody in Wicklow County Council Senior Management needs to be held responsible. Somebody needs to be at least fired.
What has become clear is that this is not the first time that Wicklow County Council continuously engages in very expensive court cases taken with our money. Last December another major case in the Supreme Court was lost against another former elected official.
In recent memory, we’ve also seen Wicklow County Council involved in another case against other elected councillors to have them removed from the council. Thankfully common sense prevailed then too when the Council was told by the Supreme Court that they don’t have the right to remove democratically elected people from our council.
These are only a few small examples of the expensive Councils legal forays. I could mention others like the Bray Fighters case, which had two court cases. There are a couple more in court at this very moment.
There are dozens of cases involving Wicklow County Council at any one time. Not all of these are frivolous or wrong. Lots of them are serious and our council should defend or initiate them. We’re not talking about those.
But it appears that when these expensive frivolous cases do come along the council does not know when to admit wrongdoing.
hey continue to rack up costs in the name of “Defending the councils interests”. They have somehow mixed up “defending the Council interests” with “defending personal egos” when it comes to these expensive frivolous court cases.
The costs of the frivolous court cases taken or defended by Wicklow County Council are astronomical. We have to remember that this money comes directly out of services. Individuals in the council senior management use our money as if it were monopoly money to stroke their own egos and slap elected officials who don’t come in line with whatever agenda they have at the time.
These costs over the years are running into millions. Just the first two cases mentioned here will probably hit the million mark alone.
So why isn’t any member of senior management ever held responsible for this gross mishandling of our money? Money badly needed. Several Wicklow County Council offices in the last few months have been closed due to lack of staff. The housing desk only opened until 1pm and multiple cuts to services.
Not one single member of management in Wicklow County Council has gotten as much as a slap on the wrist for this gross misconduct. We see members of the senior management splashed all over the Wicklow People at every crisp bag opening but not one has ever appeared to answer for this unbelievable misconduct at best and sinister personal agendas at worst.
So why hasn’t any member of senior management been held accountable for this? Where is the transparency? We as citizens of Wicklow, owners and financial backers of Wicklow County Council should see the costs of these frivolous cases.
Who in the senior management is pursuing these frivolous and very expensive court cases? We deserve to know who is and who isn’t working for the people of Wicklow. There are definitely members of the senior management team working to their own personal agenda and egos.
One local newspaper headline demanded an apology for one of these cases. While an apology would be welcome I don’t think that comes anywhere close to being enough. The people pursuing these cases need to be identified, held publically accountable and FIRED.
Co-archived Wicklow Watch
A Day in Trim Circuit Court: One Woman’s Horror Story.
THE HUB - IRELAND·SUNDAY, 31 JULY 2016
“The day that the Courts did a switcharoo on the Judges, the Trim Judge was replaced for the day and Judge Griffin was put in place for the day. Why would The Hub – Ireland publish such a horror story when we are trying to get people to turn up: this article highlights two things: the Eviction Bill must be repealed, a housing crisis called. Ireland history is repeating itself: The Famine Plot is alive and well”. · The ID of this lady is not being published: Tuesday, 26 July 2016 Trim Court.
Having attended Trim Court last week, to defend an attempted repossession of my home by KBC bank (who were represented by Joynt and Crawford solicitors), I was dismayed and traumatised to have been denied justice and due process by a ‘visiting judge’ whom I am led to believe is called Judge Griffin. I am horrified to say that he did not give me a fair hearing, and completely disregarded ALL of the evidence that I tried to present him with, several times, albeit in vain…. ·
Here is a brief outline of what happened on the day, and the evidence I tried to present: · I told him that the civil bill was worded incorrectly, which should render it to be out of his jurisdiction. He kept retorting that he was within his jurisdiction. I asked him several times to explain his jurisdiction, stating that, as a lay litigant I was confused. His reply was that he did not have to explain himself.
I then asked him how a repossession could proceed today without the presence of my ex-husband, who after all is on the mortgage agreement too. Again, he completely ignored me, and refused to answer the question. I told him that I felt was being victimised as the other defendant to the proceedings, (my ex-husband) appears to have gotten away scot-free, leaving me and my children unable to negotiate in a proper fashion with any legal matters pertaining to our family home. I informed him that all post in relation to my ex-husband was still arriving at the family home address and not, as far as I was aware going to his address which is outside the court’s jurisdiction in Northern Ireland. I even tried to hand up unopened post as proof of my claims, but Judge Griffin refused to accept this. I told him that on a previous court date, the bank had been in court to get an order to serve my ex-husband, as he was outside of court jurisdiction, but this obviously was not followed through. Otherwise how would communication from the bank and solicitors still be arriving at the family home?
I reiterated several times to judge Griffin that I was a lay litigant. I explained that I did not understand what was going on, but he continuously refused to engage with me. During this dreadful experience, the solicitor/barrister stood reading from a Black book. He was quoting mumbo jumbo about the repossession of my home, which I, in my panic, did not understand. Then I heard him refer to my daughter as a tenant of the house and not a child of the family home or the marriage. I immediately objected to the remark, and stated that I had no tenants, and that my children are not tenants. I reiterated that this was a family home, which the Barrister seemed to gloss over.
I also explained to Judge Griffin that the paperwork in relation to the case under the data protection act should be seen as null and void. The reason I made this claim, was because I had received paperwork for another Mrs Farrell in County Wexford at one stage, which gave rise to my concerns that perhaps KBC had sent her my paperwork, or worse still, that they were incompetent and sloppy regarding administration in general. Surely in such a serious matter as an attempted repossession of a family home, it would be reasonable to expect no mistakes whatsoever. This statement was also completely ignored. ·
At this stage I was completely traumatised and in panic mode. Judge Griffin stated that he was going to grant the order, but he would give me one more chance if I agreed to go to MABS, as according to him, MABS could speak on my behalf. In reply to this I asked the Judge would this ‘old and tested route’ guarantee to save my family home, to which he retorted; ‘I don’t have a Chrystal ball.’ As he would not give me a direct affirmative or negative, I asked him why would I waste my time and the people of MABS time, if it's not going to give me any guarantees? This would just prolong the agony of uncertainty which my family face day in day out. He just kept shaking his head and asking me over and over again, did I want the opportunity to attend MABS. I again stated that unless he could tell me that going to MABS would save my family home, then I was not going to waste my time with something that was not guaranteed to work. I also asked him why he was offering this service to people with no guarantee of it working. Again he would not answer.
He proceeded to grant the possession order, but I interrupted, again challenging him about my husband’s absence in the proceedings, and how the bank could be allowed to proceed on this basis? He continued to ignore to my question. Judge Griffin told me that if I kept interrupting the court during the speeches of the barrister, he would have me removed and held in contempt of court. He summonsed a Garda to stand beside me. This made me feel like a criminal, I became very upset. I told the Garda not to lay a hand on me or I would charge him with assault. He backed off at this stage and sat at the back of the court.
Judge Griffin proceeded with the hearing, and ignored everything I tried to say. At no time did I feel I was being listened to when I tried to defend my family home. None of the facts I presented were dealt with in any shape or form. It seemed to me that the judge was very much prejudiced to me as a woman, and a lay litigant, not to mention a deserted wife.
I was extremely upset, crying and shaking as I tried in vain to put my case across. I feel that KBC, Joynt and Crawford and Judge Griffin carved me up that day because I am a single Mum, who has suffered a marriage breakup which is still not before the courts in a legal capacity. My husband has clearly successfully avoided all responsibility of the debt. I put it to Judge Griffin again at the end, and explained how I had attempted to deal with the bank on many occasions. I explained how, having falling into arrears, after my husband walked out, I was told by KBC Bank that I had to use my social welfare payment of €246 a week to pay my mortgage. I explained when I asked the bank how would I look after my children and pay €800 a month leaving me with €46 a week to survive on, KBC Bank stated that it was up to me to manage the mortgage account, and made no reference to my ex-husbands responsibility. I asked Judge Griffin, would this not be breaking the law? As my understanding of social welfare payments is that they are there to provide people who are in financial distress with money to eat and pay utility bills etc. with. Surely no bank should have the authority to direct a family’s whole payment to pay a mortgage, and subsequently starve?
Judge Griffin just ignored me again. He was not interested, and he was allowing the repossession order to go ahead... Needless to say I walked out of the court, numb, shocked and in tears. I felt humiliated frightened, and violated not only as a woman, but also as a Mother. I was an Irish person in an Irish court of supposed justice and equality, but yet felt totally helpless and alone. Only for the Hub-Ireland I don't think I would've made it this far. With their help, and I will remain in my family home regardless of what Judge Griffin did to me that day.
Oh and by the way, I called him a pompous arse on the way out! And he heard me!!!!
THE HUB - IRELAND·SUNDAY, 31 JULY 2016
“The day that the Courts did a switcharoo on the Judges, the Trim Judge was replaced for the day and Judge Griffin was put in place for the day. Why would The Hub – Ireland publish such a horror story when we are trying to get people to turn up: this article highlights two things: the Eviction Bill must be repealed, a housing crisis called. Ireland history is repeating itself: The Famine Plot is alive and well”. · The ID of this lady is not being published: Tuesday, 26 July 2016 Trim Court.
Having attended Trim Court last week, to defend an attempted repossession of my home by KBC bank (who were represented by Joynt and Crawford solicitors), I was dismayed and traumatised to have been denied justice and due process by a ‘visiting judge’ whom I am led to believe is called Judge Griffin. I am horrified to say that he did not give me a fair hearing, and completely disregarded ALL of the evidence that I tried to present him with, several times, albeit in vain…. ·
Here is a brief outline of what happened on the day, and the evidence I tried to present: · I told him that the civil bill was worded incorrectly, which should render it to be out of his jurisdiction. He kept retorting that he was within his jurisdiction. I asked him several times to explain his jurisdiction, stating that, as a lay litigant I was confused. His reply was that he did not have to explain himself.
I then asked him how a repossession could proceed today without the presence of my ex-husband, who after all is on the mortgage agreement too. Again, he completely ignored me, and refused to answer the question. I told him that I felt was being victimised as the other defendant to the proceedings, (my ex-husband) appears to have gotten away scot-free, leaving me and my children unable to negotiate in a proper fashion with any legal matters pertaining to our family home. I informed him that all post in relation to my ex-husband was still arriving at the family home address and not, as far as I was aware going to his address which is outside the court’s jurisdiction in Northern Ireland. I even tried to hand up unopened post as proof of my claims, but Judge Griffin refused to accept this. I told him that on a previous court date, the bank had been in court to get an order to serve my ex-husband, as he was outside of court jurisdiction, but this obviously was not followed through. Otherwise how would communication from the bank and solicitors still be arriving at the family home?
I reiterated several times to judge Griffin that I was a lay litigant. I explained that I did not understand what was going on, but he continuously refused to engage with me. During this dreadful experience, the solicitor/barrister stood reading from a Black book. He was quoting mumbo jumbo about the repossession of my home, which I, in my panic, did not understand. Then I heard him refer to my daughter as a tenant of the house and not a child of the family home or the marriage. I immediately objected to the remark, and stated that I had no tenants, and that my children are not tenants. I reiterated that this was a family home, which the Barrister seemed to gloss over.
I also explained to Judge Griffin that the paperwork in relation to the case under the data protection act should be seen as null and void. The reason I made this claim, was because I had received paperwork for another Mrs Farrell in County Wexford at one stage, which gave rise to my concerns that perhaps KBC had sent her my paperwork, or worse still, that they were incompetent and sloppy regarding administration in general. Surely in such a serious matter as an attempted repossession of a family home, it would be reasonable to expect no mistakes whatsoever. This statement was also completely ignored. ·
At this stage I was completely traumatised and in panic mode. Judge Griffin stated that he was going to grant the order, but he would give me one more chance if I agreed to go to MABS, as according to him, MABS could speak on my behalf. In reply to this I asked the Judge would this ‘old and tested route’ guarantee to save my family home, to which he retorted; ‘I don’t have a Chrystal ball.’ As he would not give me a direct affirmative or negative, I asked him why would I waste my time and the people of MABS time, if it's not going to give me any guarantees? This would just prolong the agony of uncertainty which my family face day in day out. He just kept shaking his head and asking me over and over again, did I want the opportunity to attend MABS. I again stated that unless he could tell me that going to MABS would save my family home, then I was not going to waste my time with something that was not guaranteed to work. I also asked him why he was offering this service to people with no guarantee of it working. Again he would not answer.
He proceeded to grant the possession order, but I interrupted, again challenging him about my husband’s absence in the proceedings, and how the bank could be allowed to proceed on this basis? He continued to ignore to my question. Judge Griffin told me that if I kept interrupting the court during the speeches of the barrister, he would have me removed and held in contempt of court. He summonsed a Garda to stand beside me. This made me feel like a criminal, I became very upset. I told the Garda not to lay a hand on me or I would charge him with assault. He backed off at this stage and sat at the back of the court.
Judge Griffin proceeded with the hearing, and ignored everything I tried to say. At no time did I feel I was being listened to when I tried to defend my family home. None of the facts I presented were dealt with in any shape or form. It seemed to me that the judge was very much prejudiced to me as a woman, and a lay litigant, not to mention a deserted wife.
I was extremely upset, crying and shaking as I tried in vain to put my case across. I feel that KBC, Joynt and Crawford and Judge Griffin carved me up that day because I am a single Mum, who has suffered a marriage breakup which is still not before the courts in a legal capacity. My husband has clearly successfully avoided all responsibility of the debt. I put it to Judge Griffin again at the end, and explained how I had attempted to deal with the bank on many occasions. I explained how, having falling into arrears, after my husband walked out, I was told by KBC Bank that I had to use my social welfare payment of €246 a week to pay my mortgage. I explained when I asked the bank how would I look after my children and pay €800 a month leaving me with €46 a week to survive on, KBC Bank stated that it was up to me to manage the mortgage account, and made no reference to my ex-husbands responsibility. I asked Judge Griffin, would this not be breaking the law? As my understanding of social welfare payments is that they are there to provide people who are in financial distress with money to eat and pay utility bills etc. with. Surely no bank should have the authority to direct a family’s whole payment to pay a mortgage, and subsequently starve?
Judge Griffin just ignored me again. He was not interested, and he was allowing the repossession order to go ahead... Needless to say I walked out of the court, numb, shocked and in tears. I felt humiliated frightened, and violated not only as a woman, but also as a Mother. I was an Irish person in an Irish court of supposed justice and equality, but yet felt totally helpless and alone. Only for the Hub-Ireland I don't think I would've made it this far. With their help, and I will remain in my family home regardless of what Judge Griffin did to me that day.
Oh and by the way, I called him a pompous arse on the way out! And he heard me!!!!
Co-archived The Hub - Ireland
The Sunday papers are full of the win in the Court of Appeal, not.
For over three years The Hub – Ireland has put in the same Affidavits, same Notice of Motions: hundreds of them.
Where the Mortgagee claimed “the property is within the jurisdiction and the Rateable Value is under €253.95”, or similar wording. Then the Mortgagee probably does not enjoy the correct Jurisdiction: in those three years of continually reminding the Circuit Court that the Mortgagee did not have Jurisdiction we know of and personally: one suicide and one attempted suicide.
The history of the subject “Rateable Value”, the facts and myths:
(If you were brought to the Circuit Court whereby the Mortgagee claimed Jurisdiction using Rateable value where a dwelling was built after May 2002, where the mortgage was entered into before December 1st 2009, and where repossession proceedings were initiated before July 31st, 2013).
Back in 2013 a Litigant in Person via help from The Hub – Ireland put in his first Affidavit stating that the Circuit Court did not have the Jurisdiction: the Court ignored it and every other one thereafter until it came to an appeal by Laura Finnegan; Justice Murphy ruled in favour of Laura.
This win put both the Circuit Courts and the High Court into turmoil: Circuit Court Registrar’s where again ignoring the facts: Circuit Court Judges were ignoring the facts. The high Court had Justice Murphy on the one hand, Justice Noonan making his own ruling which end up, essentially putting a value on zero and the Justice Baker stuck in the middle.
So something had to break and the Langan case was; ‘case stated’, that is the lower Court could not deal with it and we moved it up to a higher Court: The Court of Appeal’s: The Hub – Ireland campaigned to raise the €5.000.00 to cover the cost of Junior Council and Solicitor, it was later suggested that Mr Langan get Senior Council and the cost doubled: that case was won and rest is history they say, no so: the fallout from that ruling is far reaching.
If the Mortgagee has you in the Circuit Court and the Jurisdiction claimed is solely under Rateable Value and you fir the above criteria then the case must be pulled; they may well start again but that’s for another day!
If the case is pulled: go sue them.
If you were evicted from your home: go take it back, move the family back in.
If you were evicted and the home sold: sue them.
Then sue the Mortgagee’s Solicitor for misleading you, the Courts and the Mortgagee. The Mortgagee will in turn sue the Solicitors.
The fallout will be far reaching and not one paper has done an exposé.
For over three years The Hub – Ireland has put in the same Affidavits, same Notice of Motions: hundreds of them.
Where the Mortgagee claimed “the property is within the jurisdiction and the Rateable Value is under €253.95”, or similar wording. Then the Mortgagee probably does not enjoy the correct Jurisdiction: in those three years of continually reminding the Circuit Court that the Mortgagee did not have Jurisdiction we know of and personally: one suicide and one attempted suicide.
The history of the subject “Rateable Value”, the facts and myths:
(If you were brought to the Circuit Court whereby the Mortgagee claimed Jurisdiction using Rateable value where a dwelling was built after May 2002, where the mortgage was entered into before December 1st 2009, and where repossession proceedings were initiated before July 31st, 2013).
Back in 2013 a Litigant in Person via help from The Hub – Ireland put in his first Affidavit stating that the Circuit Court did not have the Jurisdiction: the Court ignored it and every other one thereafter until it came to an appeal by Laura Finnegan; Justice Murphy ruled in favour of Laura.
This win put both the Circuit Courts and the High Court into turmoil: Circuit Court Registrar’s where again ignoring the facts: Circuit Court Judges were ignoring the facts. The high Court had Justice Murphy on the one hand, Justice Noonan making his own ruling which end up, essentially putting a value on zero and the Justice Baker stuck in the middle.
So something had to break and the Langan case was; ‘case stated’, that is the lower Court could not deal with it and we moved it up to a higher Court: The Court of Appeal’s: The Hub – Ireland campaigned to raise the €5.000.00 to cover the cost of Junior Council and Solicitor, it was later suggested that Mr Langan get Senior Council and the cost doubled: that case was won and rest is history they say, no so: the fallout from that ruling is far reaching.
If the Mortgagee has you in the Circuit Court and the Jurisdiction claimed is solely under Rateable Value and you fir the above criteria then the case must be pulled; they may well start again but that’s for another day!
If the case is pulled: go sue them.
If you were evicted from your home: go take it back, move the family back in.
If you were evicted and the home sold: sue them.
Then sue the Mortgagee’s Solicitor for misleading you, the Courts and the Mortgagee. The Mortgagee will in turn sue the Solicitors.
The fallout will be far reaching and not one paper has done an exposé.
Co-archived The Hub - Ireland
Bridgefoot St Park To Become Next Site For Modular Homes
After being told that the people of Bridgefoot Street will be getting their park, it now looks like Dublin City Council has other plans for the site.
In a recent post on Facebook the Bridgefoot campaigners were saying: “After all this campaigning…..DCC seem to be planning to put rapid build modular housing on the site.
On July 22nd at 11.40am a group of about 12 people in suits from Lewisham Council in London, who gave a presentation to DCC on Rapid Build Modular Housing, were seen being shown around the Bridgefoot Street Park site by DCC Housing officials.
Why were they shown the site? What other reason could it be but BECAUSE it is proposed site for rapid build modular housing.”
This is indeed sad news, especially after all the hard work and campaigning they did to get their baby off the ground.
The Irish Times reported this week that the Bridgefoot Street site is one of several Dublin City Council-owned lands where the Government is planning to increase housing by 80% as part of the Government’s action plan for housing.
This site will become one of eight sites that will provide 30% of the housing to include social housing. It has been estimated that the Bridgefoot Street site could accommodate 100 homes. Another Dublin 8 site on Cork Street will have room for 40 homes.
But the “bad news” is not getting the Bridgefoot campaigners down they are intending to fight for their right to get a park and are continuing their campaign.
One of the arguments that were brought up was that permanent housing, instead of building a house that can only be used for sixty years seems like a waste of time and money.
One campaigner, Ruairi Byrne, said on Facebook: “But why don’t they just build permanent houses? If they are going to build temporary ones to house people while they wait to build permanent ones then why not just build permanent ones? It seems like they are looking to create another tier of ghetto for those in housing distress…”
After being told that the people of Bridgefoot Street will be getting their park, it now looks like Dublin City Council has other plans for the site.
In a recent post on Facebook the Bridgefoot campaigners were saying: “After all this campaigning…..DCC seem to be planning to put rapid build modular housing on the site.
On July 22nd at 11.40am a group of about 12 people in suits from Lewisham Council in London, who gave a presentation to DCC on Rapid Build Modular Housing, were seen being shown around the Bridgefoot Street Park site by DCC Housing officials.
Why were they shown the site? What other reason could it be but BECAUSE it is proposed site for rapid build modular housing.”
This is indeed sad news, especially after all the hard work and campaigning they did to get their baby off the ground.
The Irish Times reported this week that the Bridgefoot Street site is one of several Dublin City Council-owned lands where the Government is planning to increase housing by 80% as part of the Government’s action plan for housing.
This site will become one of eight sites that will provide 30% of the housing to include social housing. It has been estimated that the Bridgefoot Street site could accommodate 100 homes. Another Dublin 8 site on Cork Street will have room for 40 homes.
But the “bad news” is not getting the Bridgefoot campaigners down they are intending to fight for their right to get a park and are continuing their campaign.
One of the arguments that were brought up was that permanent housing, instead of building a house that can only be used for sixty years seems like a waste of time and money.
One campaigner, Ruairi Byrne, said on Facebook: “But why don’t they just build permanent houses? If they are going to build temporary ones to house people while they wait to build permanent ones then why not just build permanent ones? It seems like they are looking to create another tier of ghetto for those in housing distress…”
Co-archived Fountain Resource Group (FRG)
Friends, neighbours, comrades, Squat City is under attack!
The rich, nasty vulture fund who have acquired the place we call home have been given official, judicial approval to kick us out (and then try to make us pay for doing so). The injunction, granted on Wednesday the 20th of July, comes into effect on the 10th of August. Some time on or after that date, their minions will show up. And we all know what happens then.
Over its lifetime, our squatted complex has been home and shelter for lots and lots of wonderful people, and has slowly developed into a cohesive community of autonomous cooperative houses (some hand built!), along with a wide network of friends and activist groups, all coming together to make something unique. A city within a city. It has been the base for lots of inspring projects, and spectacular events. It's been a hub of creative resistance to the capitalist-created homeless crisis. And it's been a symbol of hope, reminding us that we can resist the system on a practical level, building communities and providing homes and safety for those who need them.
None of us want to see it end, but if it has to then by jaysus we're going out with a bang. So over the next few weeks, we'll be having lots of events and activities, starting with Words in the Warehouse on Saturday the 30th. And we'll be having a massive party starting the weekend before the injunction date, that's the weekend of the 6th and 7th of August 2016. We want everyone to come help us make this an unforgettable time in Squat City's history. Let's not let them grind us down, let's keep the revolutionary flame burning to the end!
The rich, nasty vulture fund who have acquired the place we call home have been given official, judicial approval to kick us out (and then try to make us pay for doing so). The injunction, granted on Wednesday the 20th of July, comes into effect on the 10th of August. Some time on or after that date, their minions will show up. And we all know what happens then.
Over its lifetime, our squatted complex has been home and shelter for lots and lots of wonderful people, and has slowly developed into a cohesive community of autonomous cooperative houses (some hand built!), along with a wide network of friends and activist groups, all coming together to make something unique. A city within a city. It has been the base for lots of inspring projects, and spectacular events. It's been a hub of creative resistance to the capitalist-created homeless crisis. And it's been a symbol of hope, reminding us that we can resist the system on a practical level, building communities and providing homes and safety for those who need them.
None of us want to see it end, but if it has to then by jaysus we're going out with a bang. So over the next few weeks, we'll be having lots of events and activities, starting with Words in the Warehouse on Saturday the 30th. And we'll be having a massive party starting the weekend before the injunction date, that's the weekend of the 6th and 7th of August 2016. We want everyone to come help us make this an unforgettable time in Squat City's history. Let's not let them grind us down, let's keep the revolutionary flame burning to the end!
Co-archived Resist Grangegorman's Eviction
Rebel City: Dublin 1916-2016
Historians discussing and writing about the 1916 Rebellion make sure to place it in its social context – a city overflowing with miserable tenements. Yet after 100 years, the social and urban fabric of today’s Dublin has not changed all that much. Homelessness and drug addiction are spiralling problems that are immediately evident to anyone walking through the city, yet the statistics relating to homelessness among children in the city (1,570 children homeless in Dublin as of February 2016) show us just how much bigger the crisis is than that which we can see on the streets.
Most of these homeless families are single-parent families, forced to live in below-standard, unsafe, private bed-and-breakfast accommodation paid for from the public coffers, while state spending on social housing has been at a standstill for years, ever since the demolition of the infamous Ballymun Towers symbolized the ideological triumph of neoliberalism over any concept of state responsibility towards its weakest citizens. All of this is happening at a time when rental rates are rising through the roof (anecdotal accounts from last year tell of landlords raising the rent by 70% overnight). Despite the collapse of the property market that sparked Ireland’s lasting recession in 2008, rental rates never fell to match property values, and in the last two years have begun to soar again, so that one can easily pay €500/month for the privilege of sharing a room with two others anywhere near to the city centre. Meanwhile much of the city remains vacant and underused, and ghost estates built during the boom years of 1995-2008 remain unoccupied around the country.
At the same time massive numbers of properties which have come under the control of the National Asset Management Agency (Nama), a state body founded at the height of the crisis to manage the toxic assets that had passed into state control when the Irish government bailed out insolvent developers, are lying idle or being sold to vulture capitalists at discount prices rather than being turned to the social benefit of the citizens whose taxes funded (and continue to fund) the bailout. The government’s fainthearted steps towards the creation of social housing continues to follow the capitalist logic of growth by investing in the construction industry, rather than forcing the landlord class to end the urban decay by putting the vacant buildings in their possession to use at affordable rents. An attempt by the reformist Labour Party to impose Berlin-style rent controls was blocked by their right-wing coalition partners earlier in the year, and meekly accepted by the junior coalition partners.
New movements and social centres.
It is in the context of this unending housing crisis, and the absence of political will to protect the weakest members of society, that a new movement of civil disobedience is emerging in the form of a network of squats and social centres on the city’s Northside. Many of the squats are the response to necessity and the rising cost of rent, yet there are several that provide more than a mere residential space. They are all within shouting distance of each other, which gives them a close-knit support network in the event of any attempted illegal evictions.
The long-running Seomra Spraoi off Mountjoy Square is an example of a social centre that provided a base for much political activism and a venue for fundraising. It was closed in the last few years, like so many other similar social centres across the city (such as Mabos in the Grand Canal Dock area, the Exchange in Temple Bar, and the rooftop Dublin Urban Farm – all of which were closed on spurious health and safety grounds, i.e. the same health-and-safety regulations that are routinely flouted by the landlord class). Seomra Spraoi has since been reopened under the moniker of Jigsaw and continues to host events and provide a workspace for activist groups such as the Irish Calais Refugee Solidarity Group. The use of health and safety considerations as justification for the closure of these non-commercialized spaces are representative of a new bureaucratic and biopolitical tactic used by the forces of the state to close down threats to the the legitimacy of capital by limiting our political autonomy on the basis of the health and wellbeing of our bodies.
Meanwhile the Barricade Inn, a squat in the tradition of the European anarchist squatting movement, was opened at the top of Dublin’s main street, providing a leftist library, regular events and activities and free, non-commercialized public space in a city where normally you have to pay for a coffee to find a place to sit and relax with friends out of the rain and the cold. It was evicted at thebeginning of February, but as it closed the Grangegorman Community Collective – a squat and artist collective that had been evicted under a court injunction in 2015 – was reopened, having changed ownership and thus voided the previous injunction against the occupation. It now puts on weekly events for local young people and Dublin’s broader activist community, providing a space that exists outside of the privatized, for-profit logic of capitalism. In July and August 2015 the Irish Housing Network occupied a building owned by Dublin City Council (that had been earmarked to work as a homeless shelter but was instead left vacant) and opened it as a hostel for the homeless – the Bolt Hostel. This cat-and-mouse game with the forces of the state, often in the face of violent repression by the police and private security, is testament to the dogged persistence of this network of activists.
Building dual power in late capitalism.
Although much of the rhetoric used by the network of squatters and activists is anarchist and artistic, this movement of civil disobedience in a time of crisis is also an example of the Leninist concept of ‘dual power’. Lenin used this term to describe how during the intermediary time between the February and October Revolutions in Russia, a radical power base developed in the soviets, unconnected to parliamentary and constitutional power. This concept can also be applied to the revolutionary period in Ireland following 1916, when the Irish independence movement held elections and formed a parliament (the Dáil), ignoring the constitutional framework of the British imperialist state and acting as though it had already withered away, even going so far as to set up revolutionary courts that acted as arbiters of justice in place of the British legal system.
Yet even more than Leninism, the activities of today’s rebels come closer to the thoughts of the ‘revolution of everyday life’ proposed by Raoul Vaneigem of the French situationist movement, and the theories of the ‘right to the city’ formulated by French theorist Henri Lefebvre. Their aesthetic embraces dereliction through the occupation of the vacant, post-apocalyptic landscapes that underlie the plate glass and chrome of late capitalism’s surface: they bring to light the disturbing byproducts of what is held to be a functioning system. In considering the global relevance of this form of civil disobedience we should remember that for most of the world’s population, living like this – in informal settlements without any legal title to the land their homes have been built on – is the norm.
Instead of the ‘blood sacrifice’ proclaimed by the revolutionaries of 1916, who hoped by their deaths to inspire the Irish populace to revolt (which was exactly what happened), these modern-day revolutionaries are acting out a revolution of everyday life, which proposes to change how we live and take us in directions that are not predetermined by profit and capital. Instead of seeking national independence, they seek to liberate public space from profitization, privatization and commercialization and give us new ways to think about our cities and how we live in them. Where the 1916 Rising was a modern revolt, inspired largely by the cataclysmic world-shaking events of WW1, this revolution is distinctly postmodern: mobilized by hashtags and populated by young transient precarious labourers, drifting from city to city and from country to country. This is not to say they aren’t conscious of their history. A statement by the Barricade Inn drew on the long history of housing activism in the city, and highlighted how little has changed down the years in Dublin, quoting the Dublin Housing Action Committee magazineCrisis from 1969:
Laws that allow and encourage landlords to knock down sound houses or leave them idle during a housing emergency are immoral, and the courts and judges that uphold them are in contempt of justice… Throughout the city of Dublin there are hundreds of flats and houses lying idle (vacant possession being more important and profitable than housing families) while 10,000 families are homeless…
Disillusionment and the city.
In the aftermath of the recent indecisive elections in Ireland – in which the vote of the once-dominant establishment parties has collapsed and a massive number of Independents have been elected – it is clear there is widespread disillusionment with representative democracy. This in turn highlights the failure of the broad left movement to capitalize on mass mobilizations against water chargesand anger with austerity, and turn that anger into a positive movement, as Syriza did in Greece and Podemos has done in Spain. The Irish radical left parties, represented by the Anti-Austerity Alliance, are defined (as the name suggests) by a reactionary, anti-utopian, defensive politics, focused more on defending the social victories of previous generations and piggybacking on popular discontent than on building a future.
Maybe then, what is needed for a powerful political movement to develop is the occupation of physical space in the city, the development of an area and network of spaces defined by shared political outlooks, just as Exarcheia, Athens’ radical quarter, and the network of militant squats in Barcelona and Madrid have provided a base for radical organizing. It is from liberated and politicized spaces like this that a movement, such as the popular democratic movements that have taken control of the city municipalities of Madrid and Barcelona in recent local elections, can emerge. The occupation of physical space by leftist and progressive forces from Tahrir in Egypt to Wall Street in New York acts to give a movement a nucleus, and turn theory into practice. It is free spaces like this that form the living zones of the imagination. We must work to build and defend this incipient urban revolution.
Can it be co-opted or recuperated? Is it common for artist collectives like this to be used as the thin edge of the wedge of gentrification by private developers to drive up the rental value of properties in traditionally working-class communities? Yes, and yet we must not meekly accept the alternative – the decay of the fabric of the city and of society in these communities. Instead we must work to continue the politicization of these social centres and not allow them to submit to being a mere revolt of aesthetics, or aestheticization of revolt.
Historians discussing and writing about the 1916 Rebellion make sure to place it in its social context – a city overflowing with miserable tenements. Yet after 100 years, the social and urban fabric of today’s Dublin has not changed all that much. Homelessness and drug addiction are spiralling problems that are immediately evident to anyone walking through the city, yet the statistics relating to homelessness among children in the city (1,570 children homeless in Dublin as of February 2016) show us just how much bigger the crisis is than that which we can see on the streets.
Most of these homeless families are single-parent families, forced to live in below-standard, unsafe, private bed-and-breakfast accommodation paid for from the public coffers, while state spending on social housing has been at a standstill for years, ever since the demolition of the infamous Ballymun Towers symbolized the ideological triumph of neoliberalism over any concept of state responsibility towards its weakest citizens. All of this is happening at a time when rental rates are rising through the roof (anecdotal accounts from last year tell of landlords raising the rent by 70% overnight). Despite the collapse of the property market that sparked Ireland’s lasting recession in 2008, rental rates never fell to match property values, and in the last two years have begun to soar again, so that one can easily pay €500/month for the privilege of sharing a room with two others anywhere near to the city centre. Meanwhile much of the city remains vacant and underused, and ghost estates built during the boom years of 1995-2008 remain unoccupied around the country.
At the same time massive numbers of properties which have come under the control of the National Asset Management Agency (Nama), a state body founded at the height of the crisis to manage the toxic assets that had passed into state control when the Irish government bailed out insolvent developers, are lying idle or being sold to vulture capitalists at discount prices rather than being turned to the social benefit of the citizens whose taxes funded (and continue to fund) the bailout. The government’s fainthearted steps towards the creation of social housing continues to follow the capitalist logic of growth by investing in the construction industry, rather than forcing the landlord class to end the urban decay by putting the vacant buildings in their possession to use at affordable rents. An attempt by the reformist Labour Party to impose Berlin-style rent controls was blocked by their right-wing coalition partners earlier in the year, and meekly accepted by the junior coalition partners.
New movements and social centres.
It is in the context of this unending housing crisis, and the absence of political will to protect the weakest members of society, that a new movement of civil disobedience is emerging in the form of a network of squats and social centres on the city’s Northside. Many of the squats are the response to necessity and the rising cost of rent, yet there are several that provide more than a mere residential space. They are all within shouting distance of each other, which gives them a close-knit support network in the event of any attempted illegal evictions.
The long-running Seomra Spraoi off Mountjoy Square is an example of a social centre that provided a base for much political activism and a venue for fundraising. It was closed in the last few years, like so many other similar social centres across the city (such as Mabos in the Grand Canal Dock area, the Exchange in Temple Bar, and the rooftop Dublin Urban Farm – all of which were closed on spurious health and safety grounds, i.e. the same health-and-safety regulations that are routinely flouted by the landlord class). Seomra Spraoi has since been reopened under the moniker of Jigsaw and continues to host events and provide a workspace for activist groups such as the Irish Calais Refugee Solidarity Group. The use of health and safety considerations as justification for the closure of these non-commercialized spaces are representative of a new bureaucratic and biopolitical tactic used by the forces of the state to close down threats to the the legitimacy of capital by limiting our political autonomy on the basis of the health and wellbeing of our bodies.
Meanwhile the Barricade Inn, a squat in the tradition of the European anarchist squatting movement, was opened at the top of Dublin’s main street, providing a leftist library, regular events and activities and free, non-commercialized public space in a city where normally you have to pay for a coffee to find a place to sit and relax with friends out of the rain and the cold. It was evicted at thebeginning of February, but as it closed the Grangegorman Community Collective – a squat and artist collective that had been evicted under a court injunction in 2015 – was reopened, having changed ownership and thus voided the previous injunction against the occupation. It now puts on weekly events for local young people and Dublin’s broader activist community, providing a space that exists outside of the privatized, for-profit logic of capitalism. In July and August 2015 the Irish Housing Network occupied a building owned by Dublin City Council (that had been earmarked to work as a homeless shelter but was instead left vacant) and opened it as a hostel for the homeless – the Bolt Hostel. This cat-and-mouse game with the forces of the state, often in the face of violent repression by the police and private security, is testament to the dogged persistence of this network of activists.
Building dual power in late capitalism.
Although much of the rhetoric used by the network of squatters and activists is anarchist and artistic, this movement of civil disobedience in a time of crisis is also an example of the Leninist concept of ‘dual power’. Lenin used this term to describe how during the intermediary time between the February and October Revolutions in Russia, a radical power base developed in the soviets, unconnected to parliamentary and constitutional power. This concept can also be applied to the revolutionary period in Ireland following 1916, when the Irish independence movement held elections and formed a parliament (the Dáil), ignoring the constitutional framework of the British imperialist state and acting as though it had already withered away, even going so far as to set up revolutionary courts that acted as arbiters of justice in place of the British legal system.
Yet even more than Leninism, the activities of today’s rebels come closer to the thoughts of the ‘revolution of everyday life’ proposed by Raoul Vaneigem of the French situationist movement, and the theories of the ‘right to the city’ formulated by French theorist Henri Lefebvre. Their aesthetic embraces dereliction through the occupation of the vacant, post-apocalyptic landscapes that underlie the plate glass and chrome of late capitalism’s surface: they bring to light the disturbing byproducts of what is held to be a functioning system. In considering the global relevance of this form of civil disobedience we should remember that for most of the world’s population, living like this – in informal settlements without any legal title to the land their homes have been built on – is the norm.
Instead of the ‘blood sacrifice’ proclaimed by the revolutionaries of 1916, who hoped by their deaths to inspire the Irish populace to revolt (which was exactly what happened), these modern-day revolutionaries are acting out a revolution of everyday life, which proposes to change how we live and take us in directions that are not predetermined by profit and capital. Instead of seeking national independence, they seek to liberate public space from profitization, privatization and commercialization and give us new ways to think about our cities and how we live in them. Where the 1916 Rising was a modern revolt, inspired largely by the cataclysmic world-shaking events of WW1, this revolution is distinctly postmodern: mobilized by hashtags and populated by young transient precarious labourers, drifting from city to city and from country to country. This is not to say they aren’t conscious of their history. A statement by the Barricade Inn drew on the long history of housing activism in the city, and highlighted how little has changed down the years in Dublin, quoting the Dublin Housing Action Committee magazineCrisis from 1969:
Laws that allow and encourage landlords to knock down sound houses or leave them idle during a housing emergency are immoral, and the courts and judges that uphold them are in contempt of justice… Throughout the city of Dublin there are hundreds of flats and houses lying idle (vacant possession being more important and profitable than housing families) while 10,000 families are homeless…
Disillusionment and the city.
In the aftermath of the recent indecisive elections in Ireland – in which the vote of the once-dominant establishment parties has collapsed and a massive number of Independents have been elected – it is clear there is widespread disillusionment with representative democracy. This in turn highlights the failure of the broad left movement to capitalize on mass mobilizations against water chargesand anger with austerity, and turn that anger into a positive movement, as Syriza did in Greece and Podemos has done in Spain. The Irish radical left parties, represented by the Anti-Austerity Alliance, are defined (as the name suggests) by a reactionary, anti-utopian, defensive politics, focused more on defending the social victories of previous generations and piggybacking on popular discontent than on building a future.
Maybe then, what is needed for a powerful political movement to develop is the occupation of physical space in the city, the development of an area and network of spaces defined by shared political outlooks, just as Exarcheia, Athens’ radical quarter, and the network of militant squats in Barcelona and Madrid have provided a base for radical organizing. It is from liberated and politicized spaces like this that a movement, such as the popular democratic movements that have taken control of the city municipalities of Madrid and Barcelona in recent local elections, can emerge. The occupation of physical space by leftist and progressive forces from Tahrir in Egypt to Wall Street in New York acts to give a movement a nucleus, and turn theory into practice. It is free spaces like this that form the living zones of the imagination. We must work to build and defend this incipient urban revolution.
Can it be co-opted or recuperated? Is it common for artist collectives like this to be used as the thin edge of the wedge of gentrification by private developers to drive up the rental value of properties in traditionally working-class communities? Yes, and yet we must not meekly accept the alternative – the decay of the fabric of the city and of society in these communities. Instead we must work to continue the politicization of these social centres and not allow them to submit to being a mere revolt of aesthetics, or aestheticization of revolt.
Co-archived Tomas Lynch
I was chatting to some people in Amsterdam tonight about the homelessness issue in Ireland. I told them about spiralling rents and the fire sale of properties to vulture funds and the like. They were incredulous that there was no rent control or security for tenants. One of the older ladies asked, totally bewildered, "how could your politicians be so fucking stupid?"
Co-archived Steve Wall
There’s been a con going on in our Circuit Courts for the last few years. It’s a con that the courts, the legal profession and the banks have all been in on together and the veracity of the claim that it has been a con emerged today from the High Courts and a ruling by Ms. Justice Murphy.
Over the years, in an effort at putting efficiency before the rules of the court, the banks have been applying to the Circuit Courts for possession Orders on family homes. The Circuit Court rules are clear that only matters involving less than €75,000 can be heard in the Circuit Court. Now we know most houses are still worth more than €75,000 and to circumvent the rule the banks have, with the complicity of court Registrar’s and the legal industry, been allowing family home possession applications into the Circuit Courts claiming that the rateable value of the property is within the rules as, they claim, the rateable value of the property is under €253 odd. Today’s ruling by Ms. Justice Murphy simply blows the rateable value argument out of the water.
A home does not have a rateable value and has not had a rateable value since the early 1970s. Activists have been arguing this around the country but their arguments have been falling on deaf ears until now. Today in the High Court a jubilant appellant, appealing an Order of Possession on her home from the Circuit Court, and with the advice, support and backing of the Hub-Ireland, broke the mould. In her judgement Ms. Justice Murphy said…“The Plaintiff maintained that it had invoked and was entitled to the provisions of the valuation act and a letter issued by the Valuations office was sufficient: both these assertions are manifestly unfounded on the evidence…….it appears to the Court on Evidence that the Plaintiff have devised and used an ad hoc non-statutory process which is devoid of legal effect, for the purpose of persuading the Circuit Court that it has jurisdiction which it does not in fact enjoy”.
So what are the implications of today’s ruling? Firstly, we can expect that banks will be left with no choice but to withdraw their current applications in the Circuit Courts for possession of family homes. If you are in court over the next while demand a strike out. If an Order has been made on your home, it can be considered null and void and as having never existed. Contact your local Sheriff over the next few days and ask what the ruling means for you, meanwhile the various anti-eviction groups around the country will be forwarding the judgement to all Registrar’s and Sheriff’s and requesting their current position in light of the ruling.
We in the National Land League and other groups are not naïve however and we know that it will be the impulse and attitude of the banks, their legal partners and indeed the courts to press on regardless. We must not allow this to happen and the ruling by Ms. Justice Murphy must be enforced primarily by all of the lay-litigants across the country that up until now have been trampled upon.
On a final note, if you are made aware of any attempts to circumvent this ruling within the courts please contact the National Land League, the Hub-Ireland and other groups to let us know. We expect arguments to be made by “the other side” that they are using the Poor Law Valuation (Griffith’s valuation) to enter the Circuit Court. This has been tried before. The PLV was deemed unconstitutional by the High Court in 1981 and this was upheld on Appeal to the Supreme Court. Once more, congratulations to The Hub-Ireland on a ground-shaking result today.
Over the years, in an effort at putting efficiency before the rules of the court, the banks have been applying to the Circuit Courts for possession Orders on family homes. The Circuit Court rules are clear that only matters involving less than €75,000 can be heard in the Circuit Court. Now we know most houses are still worth more than €75,000 and to circumvent the rule the banks have, with the complicity of court Registrar’s and the legal industry, been allowing family home possession applications into the Circuit Courts claiming that the rateable value of the property is within the rules as, they claim, the rateable value of the property is under €253 odd. Today’s ruling by Ms. Justice Murphy simply blows the rateable value argument out of the water.
A home does not have a rateable value and has not had a rateable value since the early 1970s. Activists have been arguing this around the country but their arguments have been falling on deaf ears until now. Today in the High Court a jubilant appellant, appealing an Order of Possession on her home from the Circuit Court, and with the advice, support and backing of the Hub-Ireland, broke the mould. In her judgement Ms. Justice Murphy said…“The Plaintiff maintained that it had invoked and was entitled to the provisions of the valuation act and a letter issued by the Valuations office was sufficient: both these assertions are manifestly unfounded on the evidence…….it appears to the Court on Evidence that the Plaintiff have devised and used an ad hoc non-statutory process which is devoid of legal effect, for the purpose of persuading the Circuit Court that it has jurisdiction which it does not in fact enjoy”.
So what are the implications of today’s ruling? Firstly, we can expect that banks will be left with no choice but to withdraw their current applications in the Circuit Courts for possession of family homes. If you are in court over the next while demand a strike out. If an Order has been made on your home, it can be considered null and void and as having never existed. Contact your local Sheriff over the next few days and ask what the ruling means for you, meanwhile the various anti-eviction groups around the country will be forwarding the judgement to all Registrar’s and Sheriff’s and requesting their current position in light of the ruling.
We in the National Land League and other groups are not naïve however and we know that it will be the impulse and attitude of the banks, their legal partners and indeed the courts to press on regardless. We must not allow this to happen and the ruling by Ms. Justice Murphy must be enforced primarily by all of the lay-litigants across the country that up until now have been trampled upon.
On a final note, if you are made aware of any attempts to circumvent this ruling within the courts please contact the National Land League, the Hub-Ireland and other groups to let us know. We expect arguments to be made by “the other side” that they are using the Poor Law Valuation (Griffith’s valuation) to enter the Circuit Court. This has been tried before. The PLV was deemed unconstitutional by the High Court in 1981 and this was upheld on Appeal to the Supreme Court. Once more, congratulations to The Hub-Ireland on a ground-shaking result today.
Co-archived Finbar Markey
The Judge refused to let the Lynam's families letter be heard in court today. The hotel is sue to stop trading on Monday the 1st of August.
Dear Judge Gilligan,
We the Lynams families would like to thank you for your consideration of our situation in this High Court decision. We are choosing to remain anonymous due to fear of being targeted as we are under threat to take offers that are not suitable or find ourselves with no accommodation what so ever.
We appreciate that you realise that we are extremely vulnerable at this time and are being used as pawns in the political maneuvers of the Hotel management, DCC, the Receivers and NAMA.
As a group we would like to highlight the situation in Emergency Accommodation we are currently finding ourselves in.
We are HOMELESS, yes we are lucky to have a roof over our heads but we are without a fixed abode. We are under the control of the whims of Hotel Management and the DCC.
The accommodation we can usually find ourselves in is one double sized room for one family, two rooms if you have a larger family not necessarily in the same building. Imagine if you will having to live your whole life within the confines of this room where there is:
No drinking water. No fridges to store milk for young babies. No cooking facilities. No Laundry facilities to wash your own or your children’s clothes. No area for the children to play, do homework or socialise with others.
We have been offered Alternative Accommodation which is below the standard that we currently experience at Lynams and is still not suitable for our families needs. In fact there is no minimum standard for Emergency Accommodation.
Families that enter Emergency Accommodation initially start off their journey in shock with a loss of home, structure, security. Children sit in their school uniforms waiting for the hotel restaurant to open in order to grab a quick breakfast before they start their long journey to the only anchor they know which is the school they were enrolled in, before they became homeless. Families cling to this anchor, in order to enable their children to have some degree of normalcy in their lives.
Those children who do not have a home and proof of residence do not have any chance of enrolling in school, getting a doctors appointment, being referred to services or getting counselling.
Children spend their days trying to be quiet around adults that are stressed trying to find new accommodation for that night. Forbidden to associate with other children as per rules in certain establishments. They are hungry, as they wait for their parents to source food, often eating whatever food is left over from breakfast until they share one takeaway meal between the family. There is no money is left by the end of the week as it has been spent on transport. These children are disorientated, with some families end up in hotels in Bray, Aughrim & Brittas Bay trying to get to school in north Dublin. These children lose any hope of being in a normal home, they cling to already anxious parents.
The average families moves every 5 days unless they are lucky to get a hotel/guesthouse that takes on DCC customers as permanent until placed, the length of time that takes can be upwards of 2 years. There is one family that was in Lynams for 7 months, and were informed by DCC with 4 days notice to move, they have been in hotels in several different counties in the space of 3 weeks since they moved.
We ask you to consider that this is our home, we are powerless to fight the combined forces of DCC, NAMA and the Receivers and the pressure they are putting on us. On July 22nd Management in Lynams continued to accommodate us when DCC failed us.
We ask you to consider that we are not just names on a list, we are real people, we have real lives, we have jobs, our children are being directly affected by the decision being made here today.
Even though we have no hope of a good outcome for our families we can only hope that you find it in your heart to consider all these issues of how the system for homeless families has failed us all and will continue to fail unless properly addressed.
Thank you for taking the time to read this letter.
The Lynam families
Dear Judge Gilligan,
We the Lynams families would like to thank you for your consideration of our situation in this High Court decision. We are choosing to remain anonymous due to fear of being targeted as we are under threat to take offers that are not suitable or find ourselves with no accommodation what so ever.
We appreciate that you realise that we are extremely vulnerable at this time and are being used as pawns in the political maneuvers of the Hotel management, DCC, the Receivers and NAMA.
As a group we would like to highlight the situation in Emergency Accommodation we are currently finding ourselves in.
We are HOMELESS, yes we are lucky to have a roof over our heads but we are without a fixed abode. We are under the control of the whims of Hotel Management and the DCC.
The accommodation we can usually find ourselves in is one double sized room for one family, two rooms if you have a larger family not necessarily in the same building. Imagine if you will having to live your whole life within the confines of this room where there is:
No drinking water. No fridges to store milk for young babies. No cooking facilities. No Laundry facilities to wash your own or your children’s clothes. No area for the children to play, do homework or socialise with others.
We have been offered Alternative Accommodation which is below the standard that we currently experience at Lynams and is still not suitable for our families needs. In fact there is no minimum standard for Emergency Accommodation.
Families that enter Emergency Accommodation initially start off their journey in shock with a loss of home, structure, security. Children sit in their school uniforms waiting for the hotel restaurant to open in order to grab a quick breakfast before they start their long journey to the only anchor they know which is the school they were enrolled in, before they became homeless. Families cling to this anchor, in order to enable their children to have some degree of normalcy in their lives.
Those children who do not have a home and proof of residence do not have any chance of enrolling in school, getting a doctors appointment, being referred to services or getting counselling.
Children spend their days trying to be quiet around adults that are stressed trying to find new accommodation for that night. Forbidden to associate with other children as per rules in certain establishments. They are hungry, as they wait for their parents to source food, often eating whatever food is left over from breakfast until they share one takeaway meal between the family. There is no money is left by the end of the week as it has been spent on transport. These children are disorientated, with some families end up in hotels in Bray, Aughrim & Brittas Bay trying to get to school in north Dublin. These children lose any hope of being in a normal home, they cling to already anxious parents.
The average families moves every 5 days unless they are lucky to get a hotel/guesthouse that takes on DCC customers as permanent until placed, the length of time that takes can be upwards of 2 years. There is one family that was in Lynams for 7 months, and were informed by DCC with 4 days notice to move, they have been in hotels in several different counties in the space of 3 weeks since they moved.
We ask you to consider that this is our home, we are powerless to fight the combined forces of DCC, NAMA and the Receivers and the pressure they are putting on us. On July 22nd Management in Lynams continued to accommodate us when DCC failed us.
We ask you to consider that we are not just names on a list, we are real people, we have real lives, we have jobs, our children are being directly affected by the decision being made here today.
Even though we have no hope of a good outcome for our families we can only hope that you find it in your heart to consider all these issues of how the system for homeless families has failed us all and will continue to fail unless properly addressed.
Thank you for taking the time to read this letter.
The Lynam families
Co-archived Irish Housing Network
Mr Cash is king comes to town and no one notices
I thought that maybe a quirky look at the goings around the under reported “cash buyers snapping up property around the country” story rather than the “shot to the head” articles that I usually do, might amuse you. It’s gonna take a few minutes to read but sure what else would you be doing…
THE BACKGROUND
It is being reported elsewhere that up to 60pc or six out of every ten houses being purchased in Ireland is being bought with cash, leaving the other 40pc of property being purchased by means of a mortgage or by the the bank of mummsy and daddy.
That means 60pc of all properties being sold in Ireland are being purchased by cash rich vulture funds and individuals. In some cases these individuals are arriving at auctions with wads of cash in briefcases as contracts must be exchanged on the day and money handed over.
In the case of privately purchased property, a flick of the opening of the brief case locks, on top of a solicitors desk unveils the wad of cash, setting off a train of shoe licking by said solicitors. Drooling and foaming from the mouth in front of Mr.Cash is King is strictly not allowed according the the Law Society rule book on salivating in front of a client however shoe licking is OK so get used to the taste and smell of shoe polish whether you like it or not, ye cads!
Another big problem on the minds of every single person (except vulture funds, banks and Mr. Cash is King) is that there is no breakdown available to quantify how many of the buyers are overseas purchasers or how many are Irish residents, leaving the burning questions that no one dare speak about:
1. Are the Central Bank and the Revenue Commissioners actually doing their jobs properly or even at all or is everyone asleep at the wheel having taken lessons in snoozeology from that old codger and Financial Regulator, Patrick Neary?
2.Does the bank of mummsy and daddy really make the ordinary man and woman (saving for twenty two years for a mortgage only to be told that the bank isn’t really lending as they never really had it to lend in the first place) really get that jealous?
NAMA – THE RICH MAN’S BANK AND ESTATE AGENT
Only really really seriously rich individuals and tax dodging vulture funds with connections to the government and those who have had a meeting with Mickey Noonan behind closed doors need apply or buy. That’s it, be off with ya now, nothing to see here!
THE ROLE OF THE REVENUE COMMISSIONERS
The big question on every citizen’s lips is (all except the cute hoors with all the cash and government connections): Where are the Revenue Commissioners hiding when it comes to questioning where the source of this money is coming from when it comes to individual cash purchases, given that the legal fraternity are obliged to report any cash transactions over the value of €5,000 to the Revenue?
Are we to believe that all of the foreign property purchasers paying cash are not being investigated by Revenue for:
a) Coming into the country with sums of money in a briefcase that are far in excess of regulations allowed and smiling at the on duty Customs officer with a wry and knowing smile as they skip through the green channel? Surely they must be able to profile Mr. Cash is King by now, especially as he looks at you smugly and throws you a slow wink as he passes you by, while you are doing some fella for having an extra pack of twenty ciggies or an extra bottle of red tooth rot picked up from Dunnes Stores in Malaga.
b) Or are we to believe that Irish resident cash purchasers are not being investigated by Revenue for having that sort of cash to hand, knowing that the Irish are now globally renowned as the greatest tax dodging race in the world according to every single economist that ever lived?
WHERE DOES MR. CASH IS KING GET HIS CASH?
This cash being carried either comes from:
a) Legitimate sources/hard work – real blood sweat and tears?
b) Under a mattress where many rich property developers who were keeping their haul that they had previously hid from NAMA and the Revenue Commissioners?
b) The proceeds of crime? Say no more… Moving along swiftly!
c) Withdrawn from a bank that neglects to inform the Revenue? Oh the system was down on the day I was to do that.. So sorry!
d) Corruption – The only answer is the guillotine with this one. No justice, just the head in the basket is all we want to see!
If the proceeds come from any of the above with the exception of (a & c) then CAB need to be on their tail, but if it was withdrawn from a bank account then the Revenue need to look into:
a) The bank (to see if they reported the cash movement). We know how slimy banks can be when it comes to telling the truth about money, don’t we?
b) The solicitors doing the conveyancing and their reporting of same to the Revenue. Can’t have the legal fraternity doing anything illegal, now can we?
c) The cash rich individual – to see where they got such sums of cash from? The only investigative solution that works for this is a darkened room and spotlight to the face with Sheila from Investigations intimidating the poor Mr. Cash is King by banging the desk when he is starting to snooze and dream of rows of repossessed houses he is buying from beneath the now homeless classes.
Must be something to do with the lovely lolly gained from extra stamp duty that the government had lamentably missed since the collapse of the Celtic Tiger but we won’t go there…
THE ROLE OF THE CENTRAL BANK
The role of the Central Bank is to do as the European Central Bank tells it to do and nothing more.
Rule Number one: When asked awkward questions, keep repeating the mantra with hands over their eyes,shouting “I can’t see you, I can’t see you!”.
Rule number two: Turn a blind eye to everything that is happening but jump a little (for effect) when the Department of Finance looks in your direction. Just to make it seem that you are not falling asleep at the wheel!
Rule number three: Jump really high when the real bosses at the ECB call and stay there until they get off the phone or leave…Which ever comes first!
Rule number three: Repeat rules one and two but especially three.
THE ROLE OF THE DEPARTMENT OF FINANCE
The role of the department of finance is to facilitate the banks in repossessing property by legislation that was demanded and won by the banks and the ECB. That’s it, simple as… If you want to be part of the gang then you gotta ride shotgun for the outlaws!
To introduce legislation that encourages cash buyers who are purchasing basement bargains/ repossessed family homes (everything else goes through NAMA) from the banks (we bailed out) with cash, and whose source is questionable at best. When the stagecoach is being driven by the headless horseman then you know you are in trouble, isn’t that right Mickey Noonan?
To introduce legislation that enriches the vulture funds and the cash buyer, that further enriches the legal fraternity, the estate agent, the County Registrar, the Sherriff and in notable cases the thugs that turn up in balaclavas for unlawful repossessions. As an old Czech friend of mine used to say in his barely understandable accent… “Everybody gotta eat! It’s just the greedy f*ckers that want to rob the bone from the dog when they think the dog ain’t looking”. Think about that one for a minute!
BANK OF MUMMSY AND DADDY
There aren’t too many banks of mummsy and daddy floating about these days, however they do exist, albeit in a tiny tiny number. Cash flown in on private jets doesn’t count because the authorities are rarely seen boarding executive jets belong to the rich or even keep account of wealthy tax dodgers entering or leaving the country!
Drive on sir, I left the gate open… Tugs forelock as a mark of respect!
SO WHAT’S THE LESSON IN ALL OF THIS?
The lesson in all of this is to tell your local or friendly armed robber to stand outside an auction room that is selling repossessed property and wait for the brief cases to appear.
Your share of the loot ensures that you can leave the country unnoticed on a private jet and then the rest of the proceeds should see you nicely settled on the Costa del Sol, living happily ever after, having bought a repossessed villa and Ye Old English Pub that some poor English Mr. Cash is King had bought during the good times but then couldn’t afford to keep up the payments on!
Oh the irony of it all!!
I thought that maybe a quirky look at the goings around the under reported “cash buyers snapping up property around the country” story rather than the “shot to the head” articles that I usually do, might amuse you. It’s gonna take a few minutes to read but sure what else would you be doing…
THE BACKGROUND
It is being reported elsewhere that up to 60pc or six out of every ten houses being purchased in Ireland is being bought with cash, leaving the other 40pc of property being purchased by means of a mortgage or by the the bank of mummsy and daddy.
That means 60pc of all properties being sold in Ireland are being purchased by cash rich vulture funds and individuals. In some cases these individuals are arriving at auctions with wads of cash in briefcases as contracts must be exchanged on the day and money handed over.
In the case of privately purchased property, a flick of the opening of the brief case locks, on top of a solicitors desk unveils the wad of cash, setting off a train of shoe licking by said solicitors. Drooling and foaming from the mouth in front of Mr.Cash is King is strictly not allowed according the the Law Society rule book on salivating in front of a client however shoe licking is OK so get used to the taste and smell of shoe polish whether you like it or not, ye cads!
Another big problem on the minds of every single person (except vulture funds, banks and Mr. Cash is King) is that there is no breakdown available to quantify how many of the buyers are overseas purchasers or how many are Irish residents, leaving the burning questions that no one dare speak about:
1. Are the Central Bank and the Revenue Commissioners actually doing their jobs properly or even at all or is everyone asleep at the wheel having taken lessons in snoozeology from that old codger and Financial Regulator, Patrick Neary?
2.Does the bank of mummsy and daddy really make the ordinary man and woman (saving for twenty two years for a mortgage only to be told that the bank isn’t really lending as they never really had it to lend in the first place) really get that jealous?
NAMA – THE RICH MAN’S BANK AND ESTATE AGENT
Only really really seriously rich individuals and tax dodging vulture funds with connections to the government and those who have had a meeting with Mickey Noonan behind closed doors need apply or buy. That’s it, be off with ya now, nothing to see here!
THE ROLE OF THE REVENUE COMMISSIONERS
The big question on every citizen’s lips is (all except the cute hoors with all the cash and government connections): Where are the Revenue Commissioners hiding when it comes to questioning where the source of this money is coming from when it comes to individual cash purchases, given that the legal fraternity are obliged to report any cash transactions over the value of €5,000 to the Revenue?
Are we to believe that all of the foreign property purchasers paying cash are not being investigated by Revenue for:
a) Coming into the country with sums of money in a briefcase that are far in excess of regulations allowed and smiling at the on duty Customs officer with a wry and knowing smile as they skip through the green channel? Surely they must be able to profile Mr. Cash is King by now, especially as he looks at you smugly and throws you a slow wink as he passes you by, while you are doing some fella for having an extra pack of twenty ciggies or an extra bottle of red tooth rot picked up from Dunnes Stores in Malaga.
b) Or are we to believe that Irish resident cash purchasers are not being investigated by Revenue for having that sort of cash to hand, knowing that the Irish are now globally renowned as the greatest tax dodging race in the world according to every single economist that ever lived?
WHERE DOES MR. CASH IS KING GET HIS CASH?
This cash being carried either comes from:
a) Legitimate sources/hard work – real blood sweat and tears?
b) Under a mattress where many rich property developers who were keeping their haul that they had previously hid from NAMA and the Revenue Commissioners?
b) The proceeds of crime? Say no more… Moving along swiftly!
c) Withdrawn from a bank that neglects to inform the Revenue? Oh the system was down on the day I was to do that.. So sorry!
d) Corruption – The only answer is the guillotine with this one. No justice, just the head in the basket is all we want to see!
If the proceeds come from any of the above with the exception of (a & c) then CAB need to be on their tail, but if it was withdrawn from a bank account then the Revenue need to look into:
a) The bank (to see if they reported the cash movement). We know how slimy banks can be when it comes to telling the truth about money, don’t we?
b) The solicitors doing the conveyancing and their reporting of same to the Revenue. Can’t have the legal fraternity doing anything illegal, now can we?
c) The cash rich individual – to see where they got such sums of cash from? The only investigative solution that works for this is a darkened room and spotlight to the face with Sheila from Investigations intimidating the poor Mr. Cash is King by banging the desk when he is starting to snooze and dream of rows of repossessed houses he is buying from beneath the now homeless classes.
Must be something to do with the lovely lolly gained from extra stamp duty that the government had lamentably missed since the collapse of the Celtic Tiger but we won’t go there…
THE ROLE OF THE CENTRAL BANK
The role of the Central Bank is to do as the European Central Bank tells it to do and nothing more.
Rule Number one: When asked awkward questions, keep repeating the mantra with hands over their eyes,shouting “I can’t see you, I can’t see you!”.
Rule number two: Turn a blind eye to everything that is happening but jump a little (for effect) when the Department of Finance looks in your direction. Just to make it seem that you are not falling asleep at the wheel!
Rule number three: Jump really high when the real bosses at the ECB call and stay there until they get off the phone or leave…Which ever comes first!
Rule number three: Repeat rules one and two but especially three.
THE ROLE OF THE DEPARTMENT OF FINANCE
The role of the department of finance is to facilitate the banks in repossessing property by legislation that was demanded and won by the banks and the ECB. That’s it, simple as… If you want to be part of the gang then you gotta ride shotgun for the outlaws!
To introduce legislation that encourages cash buyers who are purchasing basement bargains/ repossessed family homes (everything else goes through NAMA) from the banks (we bailed out) with cash, and whose source is questionable at best. When the stagecoach is being driven by the headless horseman then you know you are in trouble, isn’t that right Mickey Noonan?
To introduce legislation that enriches the vulture funds and the cash buyer, that further enriches the legal fraternity, the estate agent, the County Registrar, the Sherriff and in notable cases the thugs that turn up in balaclavas for unlawful repossessions. As an old Czech friend of mine used to say in his barely understandable accent… “Everybody gotta eat! It’s just the greedy f*ckers that want to rob the bone from the dog when they think the dog ain’t looking”. Think about that one for a minute!
BANK OF MUMMSY AND DADDY
There aren’t too many banks of mummsy and daddy floating about these days, however they do exist, albeit in a tiny tiny number. Cash flown in on private jets doesn’t count because the authorities are rarely seen boarding executive jets belong to the rich or even keep account of wealthy tax dodgers entering or leaving the country!
Drive on sir, I left the gate open… Tugs forelock as a mark of respect!
SO WHAT’S THE LESSON IN ALL OF THIS?
The lesson in all of this is to tell your local or friendly armed robber to stand outside an auction room that is selling repossessed property and wait for the brief cases to appear.
Your share of the loot ensures that you can leave the country unnoticed on a private jet and then the rest of the proceeds should see you nicely settled on the Costa del Sol, living happily ever after, having bought a repossessed villa and Ye Old English Pub that some poor English Mr. Cash is King had bought during the good times but then couldn’t afford to keep up the payments on!
Oh the irony of it all!!
Co-archived Liam Deegan
Today's court case cost Wicklow County Council 35,000 euro for security on the council buildings and they had it on all council buildings for a week and continued up till today in Bray at a cost of 15.50 an hour. What a waste of taxpayers money it would in the long run have been cheaper to house Tommy Donnellyin a hotel room. We need to question why the housing officers refused to house Tommy he is not the only one so many have been driven unlike Tommy to leave Wicklow for Dublin. True shear grit determination struggle and defiance with the support of an amazing net work of people Tommy and Jay Bissett have won an amazing victory for people power.
Questions do need to be asked why dose the housing officer pick and choose ?
Why the poor economic choice with taxpayers money ?
Is the housing officers hands tied by others ?
Question need to be answered Wicklow county council needs to be made accountable to the people.
Questions do need to be asked why dose the housing officer pick and choose ?
Why the poor economic choice with taxpayers money ?
Is the housing officers hands tied by others ?
Question need to be answered Wicklow county council needs to be made accountable to the people.
Co-archived Anna Doyle
It's fairly obvious that one local newspaper in the Offaly area does not deem the hidden mortgage distress crisis important enough to print an article on the massive undertaking by the newly formed 'Offaly The Hub-Ireland' to call door-to-door to every home, farm and business in our county, beginning next week, letting EVERYONE know that help and support is available for FREE.
Just who might we be upsetting or on whose toes might we be treading that they completely ignored the press release that was sent to them early last Monday morning. It wasn't long and would have taken up minimal space.
While a bad odour affecting people in an area of one of Offaly's towns is surely important and the attendance of our 3 TD's at a locally organised meeting to discuss the problem was reported on, there are also very many people in that same area who are suffering terribly because of the hidden (with the aid of local media) mortgage distress crisis!
This is just more evidence that not only are our national media guilty of hiding the truth, but that some of our local media outlets are also guilty of hiding the reality of life for so many of their own customers!
Just who might we be upsetting or on whose toes might we be treading that they completely ignored the press release that was sent to them early last Monday morning. It wasn't long and would have taken up minimal space.
While a bad odour affecting people in an area of one of Offaly's towns is surely important and the attendance of our 3 TD's at a locally organised meeting to discuss the problem was reported on, there are also very many people in that same area who are suffering terribly because of the hidden (with the aid of local media) mortgage distress crisis!
This is just more evidence that not only are our national media guilty of hiding the truth, but that some of our local media outlets are also guilty of hiding the reality of life for so many of their own customers!
Co-archived Ken Smollen
Yesterday we were involved in another landmark mortgage ruling for our clients who succeeded in having a repossession action by GE Money halted in the High Court inDublin. The ruling was based on a loophole we found with the introduction of the new Land and Conveyancing Act which created a loophole / lacuna for a certain number of cases which could halt hundreds of repossessions inIreland.
We successfully defended repossession proceedings against our clients in a landmark decision, which was delivered by Justice Dunne earlier today. Our clients entered into a mortgage in December 2006 for €399,500. Their account went into default in November 2008 and demand for payment and vacant possession of the property, which is their family home, was made by letter to them dated 19thJanuary 2010.
Justice Dunne ruled that a lending institution cannot apply for an order for possession where a mortgage was created before1 December 2009but a demand for full payment was not made by the lender until after that date. Justice Dunne stated that the repeal of the old legislation had created a ‘lacuna’ (effectively a gap in legislation) and it was not for the court to supply that which was not in the 2009 Act.
However, Justice Dunne pointed out that there is no bar on the lender bringing proceedings to recover possession of the lands secured by the charge. This means that hundreds of repossession orders made after that date are now in doubt.
Conclusion
Justice Dunne set out a number of conclusions in her Judgement that be set out at this point.
If you think you may be affected by this ruling you need to confirm the following:
1. Did I take out a mortgage before 1st December 2009?
2. Was my mortgage registered before 1st December 2009?
3. Were proceedings issued after the 1st December 2009?
4. Was it in default before 1st December 2009?
5. Was a letter of demand after 1st December 2009?
If your answer yes to all of the questions above, you are entitled to avail of this legal silver bullet which will put you in a very strong negotiating position with the lender. This was a great result for our clients who have been living in fear of their home being repossessed.
Please click here to read the full ruling by Justice Dunn.
We successfully defended repossession proceedings against our clients in a landmark decision, which was delivered by Justice Dunne earlier today. Our clients entered into a mortgage in December 2006 for €399,500. Their account went into default in November 2008 and demand for payment and vacant possession of the property, which is their family home, was made by letter to them dated 19thJanuary 2010.
Justice Dunne ruled that a lending institution cannot apply for an order for possession where a mortgage was created before1 December 2009but a demand for full payment was not made by the lender until after that date. Justice Dunne stated that the repeal of the old legislation had created a ‘lacuna’ (effectively a gap in legislation) and it was not for the court to supply that which was not in the 2009 Act.
However, Justice Dunne pointed out that there is no bar on the lender bringing proceedings to recover possession of the lands secured by the charge. This means that hundreds of repossession orders made after that date are now in doubt.
Conclusion
Justice Dunne set out a number of conclusions in her Judgement that be set out at this point.
- Proceedings commenced after the 1st December 2009;
- Proceedings can be instituted prior to that date provided that the lender had acquired the right to apply for an order pursuant to s62(7) by the 1st December, 2009;
- A lender has not acquired the right to apply for an order pursuant to s62(7) if the principal monies secured by the mortgage have not become due.
- The principal monies do not become due until default or certain other events have occurred and demand for repayment of the principal monies has been made.
- In any case in which demand is made for repayment of the principal sums due after the 1stDecember, 2009, the lender has neither an acquired or accrued right to apply for an order pursuant to s. 62(7) and consequently the provisions of s.27 of the 2005 Act will not avail such a lender.
If you think you may be affected by this ruling you need to confirm the following:
1. Did I take out a mortgage before 1st December 2009?
2. Was my mortgage registered before 1st December 2009?
3. Were proceedings issued after the 1st December 2009?
4. Was it in default before 1st December 2009?
5. Was a letter of demand after 1st December 2009?
If your answer yes to all of the questions above, you are entitled to avail of this legal silver bullet which will put you in a very strong negotiating position with the lender. This was a great result for our clients who have been living in fear of their home being repossessed.
Please click here to read the full ruling by Justice Dunn.
Co-archived Anthony Joyce
So put that in your AFFIDAVIT folks! MARS CAPITAL may be under investigation, and therefore the case should not proceed for the time being County Registrar, or Your Honour!
When queried about vulture funds registering in Ireland as charities Frances Fitzgerald stated : “I repeat that officials from the Department of Finance and the Revenue Commissioners are currently examining this issue, in particular the use of certain vehicles for property investments. This is clearly an issue of concern, particularly the point the Deputy raised yesterday in regard to the use of charitable status, which I believe needs investigation. The Minister for Finance will take note of the outcome of the investigations that Revenue and the Department of Finance are undertaking at present on this issue. There is no doubt that, if it needs to be addressed, he will address it in a comprehensive way in the budget. It is important that we first have a full analysis to have the entire picture put on the table and see what the results of the investigations are to determine whether changes are necessary.
When queried about vulture funds registering in Ireland as charities Frances Fitzgerald stated : “I repeat that officials from the Department of Finance and the Revenue Commissioners are currently examining this issue, in particular the use of certain vehicles for property investments. This is clearly an issue of concern, particularly the point the Deputy raised yesterday in regard to the use of charitable status, which I believe needs investigation. The Minister for Finance will take note of the outcome of the investigations that Revenue and the Department of Finance are undertaking at present on this issue. There is no doubt that, if it needs to be addressed, he will address it in a comprehensive way in the budget. It is important that we first have a full analysis to have the entire picture put on the table and see what the results of the investigations are to determine whether changes are necessary.
Co-archived The Hub - Ireland
I remember the room 24 on the second floor in the Old Convent Centre in Ballyhaunis clearly. That was my room. I used to write in my room: 'In the night, I wake up. I gently open the door of my room. I close the door. The key is in my pocket. I go down the stairs. No body is awake. The Centre is asleep. I open the door of the recreation room. On the top of the shelf, just above the fridge, is the yellow container. In the yellow containers there is white slice pan wrapped in a cellophane. Beside the bread, in the same container, is the butter and jam. The same butter and jam that you can get in some B&B's or even hotels. The CCTV camera is just above the yellow container. I hope no body is watching. I am afraid to ask the security : 'Can I please get some butter and jam and bread'? I slowly and secretly take white slice pan, wrapped in cellophane, butter and jam. As I am leaving the recreation room, I can see the fly on the wall. Silent. Almost dead. But still alive.
I open the door of my room. I am not sure what the time is. I don't have to wake up for breakfast. I unwrap the bread. I open the butter and jam. I have no knife. I have to use my fingers to spread butter and jam on the white slice pan bread. My hands are not clean. I have to wash them first. I don't have the soap in my room. I have to go to the bathroom that is at the end of the second floor. I have to leave my room again. What is the best way to get to the bathroom? I take off my shoes. I make my way to the bathroom to wash my hands. I can hear the residents snoring. I open the bathroom door gently. I switch on the lights. There is no soap or washing up liquid in the bathroom at the end of the second floor of the Centre. I wash my hands with water only. In my room; I use my finger to spread the butter on the white bread. Then in the same room I use the same finger to spread the jam on the butter that is already on the white slice pan bread. I enjoy it. I was hungry. I can hear the birds chirping. It is almost dawn. In the Centre'.
I hear that the Government has an intention to extend direct provision Centres; to open the new Centres to accommodate asylum seekers.
Could you please stop direct provision and end all deportations!
I open the door of my room. I am not sure what the time is. I don't have to wake up for breakfast. I unwrap the bread. I open the butter and jam. I have no knife. I have to use my fingers to spread butter and jam on the white slice pan bread. My hands are not clean. I have to wash them first. I don't have the soap in my room. I have to go to the bathroom that is at the end of the second floor. I have to leave my room again. What is the best way to get to the bathroom? I take off my shoes. I make my way to the bathroom to wash my hands. I can hear the residents snoring. I open the bathroom door gently. I switch on the lights. There is no soap or washing up liquid in the bathroom at the end of the second floor of the Centre. I wash my hands with water only. In my room; I use my finger to spread the butter on the white bread. Then in the same room I use the same finger to spread the jam on the butter that is already on the white slice pan bread. I enjoy it. I was hungry. I can hear the birds chirping. It is almost dawn. In the Centre'.
I hear that the Government has an intention to extend direct provision Centres; to open the new Centres to accommodate asylum seekers.
Could you please stop direct provision and end all deportations!
Co-archived Asylum Archive
we posted a picture of fella during the week staying in the oblets church in inchicore good news and bad news the bad news was he was moved on from there and got a beating off police said if he's there again they will do same but just in my garden and seen fella going by that i know well but didnt recognise him for min and he was telling me about it and told me he was there other night thank god i had clothes left gave him all new clothes to put on him and he got showered here had to help wash him its not something that i do often but this man is only back on the drink few weeks after being sober due to circumstances out of his control and i understand why he turned back to drink just so sad i'm hoping for him to come back to me monday and hopefully get him back into a place and get his head sorted
Co-archived Homeless mobile run
By 2015 Mr Harper also said out of 2,337 families nominated for the mortgage scheme , only 38 have been completed and Bank of Ireland and AIB have completed only one such transaction each.
Co-archived The Hub - Ireland
YOUNG FEMALE FORCED FROM CITY HOSTEL DUE TO ASSAULT
A 21 year old female was last night forced to sleep on Dublin's Henry Street due to an assault in a city centre hostel. Outreach support teams engaged with the young women at approx 1.45am bedded down for the night, she had refused accommodation at that stage as she feared for her safety.
Inner City Helping Homeless CEO Anthony Flynn spoke to the young woman; 'I would have serious concerns that a young female would have to leave an emergency accommodation unit due to safety concerns. The female was very vulnerable and the streets where no place for her at that time. She is unhappy to return to the facility we will make representation on her behalf to Central Placement Services today.
A 21 year old female was last night forced to sleep on Dublin's Henry Street due to an assault in a city centre hostel. Outreach support teams engaged with the young women at approx 1.45am bedded down for the night, she had refused accommodation at that stage as she feared for her safety.
Inner City Helping Homeless CEO Anthony Flynn spoke to the young woman; 'I would have serious concerns that a young female would have to leave an emergency accommodation unit due to safety concerns. The female was very vulnerable and the streets where no place for her at that time. She is unhappy to return to the facility we will make representation on her behalf to Central Placement Services today.
Co-archived Inner City Helping Homeless
Yesterday I sat in court 33 in the Four Courts with 2 friends watching banks and the State demolish families through an unjust legal administration process which see’s them eventually turfed out of their dwellings (the place where they live) and onto the street. This is something I do week in week out, but this day was different.
I had attended court 33 this sunny friday morning, to support my friend Mary (not her real name) a 60 year old woman who through no fault of her own had found herself before the courts and is now fighting for her very existence.
These courts are a very cold place indeed if one is facing this crisis alone, But we had come to support Mary in her hour of need.
Sauve barristers grovel, whinge, complain and act (some wouldn’t be out of place in a Hollywood movie) to court Registrars like their owed something, others are pimple face youngsters barely qualified out of college getting to cut their teeth, and the first blood they draw will be the life blood from some poor unfortunate family. All of them actors working in the Crown court system dispossessing Irish families of their shelter, which as everyone knows is a necessity to live in Ireland.
Anyway, There were 47 seven family homes coming under the hammer, I sat there and watched the proceedings, I watched the barristers communicate with the Registrar through secret hand signals (a ploy used in all courts to make sure the barristers get what they want) to manipulate the defendants into unwinnable positions.
The people before this court are not immature youngsters, they are middle aged couples with young families, I watched the fear in their eyes as their names are read from the list.
For many its their first time ever in a courtroom, They have no idea whats going on as the Registrar chats with them explaining the seriousness of the case, as they contract unknowingly and give jurisdiction to the court.
Then it was Mary’s turn, Its her 5th time in so a bit more serious for her, The barrister stood up and started whinging as he had done all morning, that he hadn’t received the affidavit he was supposed to get. Mary handed him his copy and pleaded ignorant to that rule. On his reading of the first paragraph one could immediately see the contents of the document disturbed him. So back to the begging and whinging he went and eventually asked for a few minutes so he could get his head around the headache document Mary had just given him.
While I can’t say whats in the document, Mary has been using a process called the Official Offer. I could clearly see the barrister didn’t like it because it had allowed Mary to rebut his previous affidavit and offer a defence.
Upset by the contents of the document the barrister began whinging and begging the court again, saying he had been hurt by Mary not knowing the rules and this had forced him to waste a day in court, (he must have forgotten we had watched him re-presenting other cases earlier) and he chanced his arm and asked for costs. With a small prompt Mary objected and this really pissed him off when Mary once again objected to the Registrar asking her to pay his costs, So they weren’t given. Why? because there was no consent from Mary to allow this. Remember the barrister is already getting paid, why should he get paid twice. So Mary was right to object.
Now even more upset the barrister continued to whinge like a little girl (it was embarrassing to be honest) he now took it upon himself to reply personally to Mary’s affidavit. How strange he hadn’t even consulted with his client the Bank and he sought a two week period to reply. This was granted by way of an adjournment till october 19th and we left the court room.
So what happens now you may ask? Well the Banks Solicitors have to serve Mary with this replying affidavit in two weeks, then Mary has till the 15th of october to rebut this replying affidavit if she chooses.
Whatever happens from now on for Mary, will decide if we have a justice system or not.
I say we have a Justice system and that the Judges will do their jobs without fear or favor, affection or ill willtowards any man or woman and uphold the constitution and the laws.
Heres a question, What happened in Irish society that tens of thousands of Irish families find themselves in this situation?
I offer this piece of advice to all who find themselves in this situation, tread carefully how you approach this. Do not stick your head in the sand, Offer a defense, Communicate with the lender, (do this through mail, not the phone), seek out help from people who know about the court procedure and can offer some guidance.
In court yesterday I also seen a family dwelling taken in a Balbriggan with a stroke of a pen because no defense was offered. make sure thats not you, turn up and defend your dwelling.
I had attended court 33 this sunny friday morning, to support my friend Mary (not her real name) a 60 year old woman who through no fault of her own had found herself before the courts and is now fighting for her very existence.
These courts are a very cold place indeed if one is facing this crisis alone, But we had come to support Mary in her hour of need.
Sauve barristers grovel, whinge, complain and act (some wouldn’t be out of place in a Hollywood movie) to court Registrars like their owed something, others are pimple face youngsters barely qualified out of college getting to cut their teeth, and the first blood they draw will be the life blood from some poor unfortunate family. All of them actors working in the Crown court system dispossessing Irish families of their shelter, which as everyone knows is a necessity to live in Ireland.
Anyway, There were 47 seven family homes coming under the hammer, I sat there and watched the proceedings, I watched the barristers communicate with the Registrar through secret hand signals (a ploy used in all courts to make sure the barristers get what they want) to manipulate the defendants into unwinnable positions.
The people before this court are not immature youngsters, they are middle aged couples with young families, I watched the fear in their eyes as their names are read from the list.
For many its their first time ever in a courtroom, They have no idea whats going on as the Registrar chats with them explaining the seriousness of the case, as they contract unknowingly and give jurisdiction to the court.
Then it was Mary’s turn, Its her 5th time in so a bit more serious for her, The barrister stood up and started whinging as he had done all morning, that he hadn’t received the affidavit he was supposed to get. Mary handed him his copy and pleaded ignorant to that rule. On his reading of the first paragraph one could immediately see the contents of the document disturbed him. So back to the begging and whinging he went and eventually asked for a few minutes so he could get his head around the headache document Mary had just given him.
While I can’t say whats in the document, Mary has been using a process called the Official Offer. I could clearly see the barrister didn’t like it because it had allowed Mary to rebut his previous affidavit and offer a defence.
Upset by the contents of the document the barrister began whinging and begging the court again, saying he had been hurt by Mary not knowing the rules and this had forced him to waste a day in court, (he must have forgotten we had watched him re-presenting other cases earlier) and he chanced his arm and asked for costs. With a small prompt Mary objected and this really pissed him off when Mary once again objected to the Registrar asking her to pay his costs, So they weren’t given. Why? because there was no consent from Mary to allow this. Remember the barrister is already getting paid, why should he get paid twice. So Mary was right to object.
Now even more upset the barrister continued to whinge like a little girl (it was embarrassing to be honest) he now took it upon himself to reply personally to Mary’s affidavit. How strange he hadn’t even consulted with his client the Bank and he sought a two week period to reply. This was granted by way of an adjournment till october 19th and we left the court room.
So what happens now you may ask? Well the Banks Solicitors have to serve Mary with this replying affidavit in two weeks, then Mary has till the 15th of october to rebut this replying affidavit if she chooses.
Whatever happens from now on for Mary, will decide if we have a justice system or not.
I say we have a Justice system and that the Judges will do their jobs without fear or favor, affection or ill willtowards any man or woman and uphold the constitution and the laws.
Heres a question, What happened in Irish society that tens of thousands of Irish families find themselves in this situation?
I offer this piece of advice to all who find themselves in this situation, tread carefully how you approach this. Do not stick your head in the sand, Offer a defense, Communicate with the lender, (do this through mail, not the phone), seek out help from people who know about the court procedure and can offer some guidance.
In court yesterday I also seen a family dwelling taken in a Balbriggan with a stroke of a pen because no defense was offered. make sure thats not you, turn up and defend your dwelling.
Co-archived Ray Hall
Today service users of John's West Lane were bullied and threatened out by Focus Ireland staff and by Gardaí. Some left after threats and others stuck it out but were told they would be torn out and thrown in a van but they got offered a bed for a week. This is from a state funded organization with a CEO earning €115k a year and the state police force who are supposed to protect the most vulnerable in society. Its sickening and they need to be exposed for what they are doing.
Co-archived Ireland Says No
Housing Games Part One: An Irish Housing History
29th June 2016
This is the first of three pieces looking at the current housing crisis as an organised plan by the Irish elite. It will cover, firstly how the housing system developed in Ireland; secondly, what the plan is of the elite and golden circle and, thirdly, why the current plan will not work and what can be done about this.
These three pieces have been written by two members of the Irish Housing Network, Aisling Hedderman and Seamus Farrell. It represents their thoughts and not the views of the network as a whole.
A History of Irish Housing
The history of housing is Ireland has been one of the rich, who build, buy and speculate, and the poor, who are disciplined, marginalised and punished. It has been, and this is often overlooked, a history of conflict.
Pre-independent Ireland had a system of grand land owners in rural Ireland and wealthy owners in the cities and towns, and, under them, a mass of renters and landless labourers. In the 1880s tenants across Ireland demanded land and homes, and in response the English absentee landlords fought tooth and nail to protect their property interests. After the land wars, land was divided up across Ireland, still a largely farming economy. A choice few gained large plots of lands which were rented back to the poor; many others got plots of land so small that a family could not survive off them alone, they either starved or emigrated.
In the cities the poor were squeezed into tenements. In 1913 these were the worst, most overcrowded and dangerous tenements in Europe. Tenements collapsing, overcrowding, and high rents were combined with low or no wages, making poverty both widespread and insufferable. The greatest resistance to these conditions came from trade unions, and the high point of this battle was the eventually-defeated 1913 lockout, which led to the emergence of both Cumman naBan and the Irish Citizens Army.
After a radical first Dáil, a war of independence and a civil war, housing returned to the same system as before but with a twist. Private property was cemented into the constitution and explicitly seen as both an economic and social value. The aim was not to make everyone an owner, but instead to replace the English landlord with the Irish landlord. Kevin O’Higgins, vice-president of Cumman na nGaedhal and member of the first Irish Free State government, who did much to implement private property as the buttress of the Irish economy, accurately and proudly termed the developments as ‘the most conservative revolutionaries to ever put through a successful revolution.’ For the renters, meanwhile, tenements continued to collapse while poor farmers children were forced to move abroad to seek better circumstances. During this stage the church was aligned with the state and its functions were strengthened to keep the Irish people in check; this being achieved through the schools, the health system and the institutions for the mad and the bad, the work houses, the industrial schools, and, most famously, the Magdalene laundries. Charity defined who was deserving and undeserving, ran by the church.
This housing system was most strongly challenged twice after independence. In the 1930s the poor kicked back against the new consensus of landlords and the rich. Republicans for the most part led the radical actions, and the more moderate political powerhouse, Fianna Fáil, appealed to the landless, the small farmer and the working class in the city. Slum clearances, social housing and the redistribution of land began. Real gains were made but there was no long-term challenge to the landlords, developers or investors. As a result in the 1960s and 1970s a new generation were again facing tenements, slums, overcrowding and high rents. Communities organised by setting up tenants unions, occupying courts, squatting social housing and protesting against the government of the time. Once again communities forced the building of social houses. Strikes and actions continued in the 1980s.
The Modern System
After the turmoil of the 1980s, the 1990s saw the birth of the Celtic Tiger. In both the 1930s and 1960s/1970s the state had been forced to break from its support for the rich briefly to redistribute enough money to build social housing and keep society under control. In the 1990s they had a new plan to build the rich and keep the poor down. It would involve supporting the rich through a privatisation drive and a redesign of the major cities.
For this to happen two things had to occur.
First the provision of mortgages had to expand and they had to become a normal part of life. This was to cement the illusion of ownership and to allow the profit of private provision to be front and centre. Mortgages were possible because banks were able to lend more money. Banks profited, developers profited, politicians profited and there were more homes for more people and more private development.
Second, communities that had fought for decent housing had to be dismantled. Central to this was regeneration, where private developers were hired to redesign social housing estates. Regeneration meant limited social housing, the sale of public land and the increase in the private rental sector. Regeneration swallowed the time and energy of the communities. Divide and conquer was the order of the day. Some families, after 20 years, got new homes, but many didn’t and were driven out to the edge of the city, all the while private developments sprung up around these pockets of communities and a ‘good social mix’ was policy.
2008: Economic Collapse
In 2008 the ownership driven model took a major hit. The Irish Banking system collapsed along with part of the world banking system. Banks collapsed in the US. In Europe banks stopped lending to each other and, suddenly, there were billions missing from the Irish banking system. The Irish government decided to take on this debt, passing it from a web of private banks, developers and investors onto the shoulders of the Irish people. Paired with this massive debt was austerity, the shedding of a weak social safety net, and along with it the basic needs provided by the state, which had previously been used to cover up the gap between rich, the middle and poor. The cuts were devastating: education cuts, community cuts, health cuts, mental health cuts, lone parents allowance cuts, welfare and pay cuts and, finally, housing cuts.
In housing the strain of debt cut across the entire system. Firstly as wages went down, as unemployment rose, and as banks looked to hold their assets together, mortgages went from being a sign of a healthy economy and social progress to a burden. Buy-to-Let, 100% mortgages, tracker mortgages, fix-rate mortgage and affordable housing mortgages and 50/50 mortgages all suffered at various times and in various ways as the stock market and banking system staggered from turmoil to turmoil. House prices used to show asset value had gone up in smoke.
Regeneration collapsed, and the problematic public-private partnership which had divided communities, broken community organising, and provided precious few homes while building a professional elite to administer communities, was fatally damaged. Weakened by decades where community self-organisation was discouraged, punished and, often, made illegal, the community fightback was disorganised and sporadic, if it existed at all. The social housing budget destroyed, cut by 80% and building all but stopped. Communities who were little-helped by the Celtic Tiger were now to see public housing viciously attacked, the few crumbs from the top table were no longer up for grabs.
The private-rental sector, much ignored and neglected in Irish society, started to play an important role. As house prices went down, so did rents; large numbers emigrated, smaller numbers moved towards renting. There was no change in conditions for tenants, and wide scale abuse was covered over temporarily by the lower prices, and a new renting class unfamiliar with rental procedures or housing regulations.
After the initial banking crisis and the first wave of austerity, the response from the rich and their bidders in government was twofold. The first move was to stabilise the housing system and the second was to use the crisis to privatise. This meant clearing debt and raising prices back up. The National Asset Management Agency was established (NAMA). This was for the big boys, the golden circle, the ones who had bought a lot of apartments, land, offices and buildings and needed their loans paid off. If the Irish developer and investor weren’t doing enough the door would be open for international vulture funds.
For the rest of the mortgage-holders, there were temporary measures to stop evictions. These were quietly lifted in 2014 and, since, bank repossessions of family homes, headed by unidentified private security in balaclavas with covered license plates, have become frequent.
For those big developers and investors and stable home owners, a new idea was coming to the fore: the private rental market could be a parking ground for everyone else. The former mortgage-holders and potential mortgage-holders, young professionals who hadn’t emigrated, or who might return to a new low-wage economy, students and all the communities hoping for social housing, could all be cemented as renters.
Conclusion
For the rich, efforts to stabilise and privatise housing has had strong results, and for everyone else it has been a disaster.
For owners, NAMA has brought the rich back into the housing game. It covered the majority of their losses, but the sale of assets has been a circle, from the Irish elite and back to the Irish elite, a circle that occasionally opens itself up to the international elite.
Nothing has been given back to the rest of society. This has meant that as wealth concentrates, the rich are sitting on their investments till the price goes up. Meanwhile, supply has dried up.
For renters, rental prices have surged dramatically, with no security of tenure, or decent conditions to accompany the price hikes. Many of the landlords have taken advantage of the situation to raise rents and not cover repairs while others have been caught in a cycle of rising living costs with high mortgage payments, making rent increases a part of their way out.
For the homeless, some families who fought a generation ago for social housing were forced into private rented accommodation after 2010. Due to the impact of community cuts, education cuts, lone parent cuts, health cuts, drug and support service cuts and welfare cuts there is a new, third layer of homelessness that is growing massively and is often hidden. Traditionally, homelessness was the space for the all of those outside of society, and spaces for the homeless were controlled by the church: the foster home, the industrial school, the mental hospital and the Magdalene laundries. For travellers who fought for freedom of movement, it involved keeping them in halting sites; for single mothers caught on the margins it involved keeping them locked away, out of society’s eye.
In modern Ireland, the Church has been irreparably damaged by its abuse of children and its subsequent cover up for abusers. The church still plays an important role in homeless provision but is no longer dominant. Charities, the state, businesses, and the last remains of the church, have made an unholy alliance and teamed up to create a new homeless industry. As austerity took hold a mix of charity and private business could be supported by the state to provide everything from hostel beds, day services, care services, residential living, community drug projects, and emergency accommodation that is more reminiscent of detention centres than it is of accommodation. The fallout from the mortgage crisis, austerity and rising rents in 2014 would be both a challenge and an opportunity for this still-growing homeless industry.
29th June 2016
This is the first of three pieces looking at the current housing crisis as an organised plan by the Irish elite. It will cover, firstly how the housing system developed in Ireland; secondly, what the plan is of the elite and golden circle and, thirdly, why the current plan will not work and what can be done about this.
These three pieces have been written by two members of the Irish Housing Network, Aisling Hedderman and Seamus Farrell. It represents their thoughts and not the views of the network as a whole.
A History of Irish Housing
The history of housing is Ireland has been one of the rich, who build, buy and speculate, and the poor, who are disciplined, marginalised and punished. It has been, and this is often overlooked, a history of conflict.
Pre-independent Ireland had a system of grand land owners in rural Ireland and wealthy owners in the cities and towns, and, under them, a mass of renters and landless labourers. In the 1880s tenants across Ireland demanded land and homes, and in response the English absentee landlords fought tooth and nail to protect their property interests. After the land wars, land was divided up across Ireland, still a largely farming economy. A choice few gained large plots of lands which were rented back to the poor; many others got plots of land so small that a family could not survive off them alone, they either starved or emigrated.
In the cities the poor were squeezed into tenements. In 1913 these were the worst, most overcrowded and dangerous tenements in Europe. Tenements collapsing, overcrowding, and high rents were combined with low or no wages, making poverty both widespread and insufferable. The greatest resistance to these conditions came from trade unions, and the high point of this battle was the eventually-defeated 1913 lockout, which led to the emergence of both Cumman naBan and the Irish Citizens Army.
After a radical first Dáil, a war of independence and a civil war, housing returned to the same system as before but with a twist. Private property was cemented into the constitution and explicitly seen as both an economic and social value. The aim was not to make everyone an owner, but instead to replace the English landlord with the Irish landlord. Kevin O’Higgins, vice-president of Cumman na nGaedhal and member of the first Irish Free State government, who did much to implement private property as the buttress of the Irish economy, accurately and proudly termed the developments as ‘the most conservative revolutionaries to ever put through a successful revolution.’ For the renters, meanwhile, tenements continued to collapse while poor farmers children were forced to move abroad to seek better circumstances. During this stage the church was aligned with the state and its functions were strengthened to keep the Irish people in check; this being achieved through the schools, the health system and the institutions for the mad and the bad, the work houses, the industrial schools, and, most famously, the Magdalene laundries. Charity defined who was deserving and undeserving, ran by the church.
This housing system was most strongly challenged twice after independence. In the 1930s the poor kicked back against the new consensus of landlords and the rich. Republicans for the most part led the radical actions, and the more moderate political powerhouse, Fianna Fáil, appealed to the landless, the small farmer and the working class in the city. Slum clearances, social housing and the redistribution of land began. Real gains were made but there was no long-term challenge to the landlords, developers or investors. As a result in the 1960s and 1970s a new generation were again facing tenements, slums, overcrowding and high rents. Communities organised by setting up tenants unions, occupying courts, squatting social housing and protesting against the government of the time. Once again communities forced the building of social houses. Strikes and actions continued in the 1980s.
The Modern System
After the turmoil of the 1980s, the 1990s saw the birth of the Celtic Tiger. In both the 1930s and 1960s/1970s the state had been forced to break from its support for the rich briefly to redistribute enough money to build social housing and keep society under control. In the 1990s they had a new plan to build the rich and keep the poor down. It would involve supporting the rich through a privatisation drive and a redesign of the major cities.
For this to happen two things had to occur.
First the provision of mortgages had to expand and they had to become a normal part of life. This was to cement the illusion of ownership and to allow the profit of private provision to be front and centre. Mortgages were possible because banks were able to lend more money. Banks profited, developers profited, politicians profited and there were more homes for more people and more private development.
Second, communities that had fought for decent housing had to be dismantled. Central to this was regeneration, where private developers were hired to redesign social housing estates. Regeneration meant limited social housing, the sale of public land and the increase in the private rental sector. Regeneration swallowed the time and energy of the communities. Divide and conquer was the order of the day. Some families, after 20 years, got new homes, but many didn’t and were driven out to the edge of the city, all the while private developments sprung up around these pockets of communities and a ‘good social mix’ was policy.
2008: Economic Collapse
In 2008 the ownership driven model took a major hit. The Irish Banking system collapsed along with part of the world banking system. Banks collapsed in the US. In Europe banks stopped lending to each other and, suddenly, there were billions missing from the Irish banking system. The Irish government decided to take on this debt, passing it from a web of private banks, developers and investors onto the shoulders of the Irish people. Paired with this massive debt was austerity, the shedding of a weak social safety net, and along with it the basic needs provided by the state, which had previously been used to cover up the gap between rich, the middle and poor. The cuts were devastating: education cuts, community cuts, health cuts, mental health cuts, lone parents allowance cuts, welfare and pay cuts and, finally, housing cuts.
In housing the strain of debt cut across the entire system. Firstly as wages went down, as unemployment rose, and as banks looked to hold their assets together, mortgages went from being a sign of a healthy economy and social progress to a burden. Buy-to-Let, 100% mortgages, tracker mortgages, fix-rate mortgage and affordable housing mortgages and 50/50 mortgages all suffered at various times and in various ways as the stock market and banking system staggered from turmoil to turmoil. House prices used to show asset value had gone up in smoke.
Regeneration collapsed, and the problematic public-private partnership which had divided communities, broken community organising, and provided precious few homes while building a professional elite to administer communities, was fatally damaged. Weakened by decades where community self-organisation was discouraged, punished and, often, made illegal, the community fightback was disorganised and sporadic, if it existed at all. The social housing budget destroyed, cut by 80% and building all but stopped. Communities who were little-helped by the Celtic Tiger were now to see public housing viciously attacked, the few crumbs from the top table were no longer up for grabs.
The private-rental sector, much ignored and neglected in Irish society, started to play an important role. As house prices went down, so did rents; large numbers emigrated, smaller numbers moved towards renting. There was no change in conditions for tenants, and wide scale abuse was covered over temporarily by the lower prices, and a new renting class unfamiliar with rental procedures or housing regulations.
After the initial banking crisis and the first wave of austerity, the response from the rich and their bidders in government was twofold. The first move was to stabilise the housing system and the second was to use the crisis to privatise. This meant clearing debt and raising prices back up. The National Asset Management Agency was established (NAMA). This was for the big boys, the golden circle, the ones who had bought a lot of apartments, land, offices and buildings and needed their loans paid off. If the Irish developer and investor weren’t doing enough the door would be open for international vulture funds.
For the rest of the mortgage-holders, there were temporary measures to stop evictions. These were quietly lifted in 2014 and, since, bank repossessions of family homes, headed by unidentified private security in balaclavas with covered license plates, have become frequent.
For those big developers and investors and stable home owners, a new idea was coming to the fore: the private rental market could be a parking ground for everyone else. The former mortgage-holders and potential mortgage-holders, young professionals who hadn’t emigrated, or who might return to a new low-wage economy, students and all the communities hoping for social housing, could all be cemented as renters.
Conclusion
For the rich, efforts to stabilise and privatise housing has had strong results, and for everyone else it has been a disaster.
For owners, NAMA has brought the rich back into the housing game. It covered the majority of their losses, but the sale of assets has been a circle, from the Irish elite and back to the Irish elite, a circle that occasionally opens itself up to the international elite.
Nothing has been given back to the rest of society. This has meant that as wealth concentrates, the rich are sitting on their investments till the price goes up. Meanwhile, supply has dried up.
For renters, rental prices have surged dramatically, with no security of tenure, or decent conditions to accompany the price hikes. Many of the landlords have taken advantage of the situation to raise rents and not cover repairs while others have been caught in a cycle of rising living costs with high mortgage payments, making rent increases a part of their way out.
For the homeless, some families who fought a generation ago for social housing were forced into private rented accommodation after 2010. Due to the impact of community cuts, education cuts, lone parent cuts, health cuts, drug and support service cuts and welfare cuts there is a new, third layer of homelessness that is growing massively and is often hidden. Traditionally, homelessness was the space for the all of those outside of society, and spaces for the homeless were controlled by the church: the foster home, the industrial school, the mental hospital and the Magdalene laundries. For travellers who fought for freedom of movement, it involved keeping them in halting sites; for single mothers caught on the margins it involved keeping them locked away, out of society’s eye.
In modern Ireland, the Church has been irreparably damaged by its abuse of children and its subsequent cover up for abusers. The church still plays an important role in homeless provision but is no longer dominant. Charities, the state, businesses, and the last remains of the church, have made an unholy alliance and teamed up to create a new homeless industry. As austerity took hold a mix of charity and private business could be supported by the state to provide everything from hostel beds, day services, care services, residential living, community drug projects, and emergency accommodation that is more reminiscent of detention centres than it is of accommodation. The fallout from the mortgage crisis, austerity and rising rents in 2014 would be both a challenge and an opportunity for this still-growing homeless industry.
Co-archived Irish Housing Network
Today a family with a "special needs" child was evicted from their home by a heartless landlord who crept in and changed the locks while they were out. Tomorrow this landlord will see how we support defenceless vulnerable families like this when state structures fail them. If you care you'll be there.......meeting at Waterside Pub Clondalkin 10.30am.
Co-archived Damien Farrell
Family evicted from Dublin's Regency Hotel win offer of more secure alternative accommodation, 20 hour long picket of Regency Hotel by family and supporters ended.
The Irish Housing Network has ended their protest outside the Regency Hotel in Dublin following the success of the family in securing alternative accommodation. The Network believes that the success of the family in securing safe alternative accommodation is thanks to the family’s persistence and courage in seeking decent accommodation for their family, and the response and level of solidarity shown by members of the public, the north Dublin community and housing groups across the city. These forces stood together in solidarity, putting significant pressure on the homeless services to provide the support previously denied to the family.
The Network has serious concerns over the reponse of Dublin City Council Homeless Services, Dublin Region Homeless Executive, and R & G Management over the unsafe living conditions persistent in the Regency Hotel, including black mold and damp responsible for the poor health and hospitalisation of the family’s daughter aged 9 months.
The Network understand that the area of the hotel where homeless families are accommodated is run by a separate company with the Regency, R & G Management.
The Dublin Region Homeless Executive have stated that the eviction of this young family was permitted as an “intervention”. Why was no "intervention" made by Homeless Services or Executive to prevent the family from enduring substandard living conditions even when the black mould and damp persisting in the family’s room was brought to the attention of hotel staff and keyworker.
Why was no such intervention made which could have prevented the hospitalisation of their child, with no attempts made to move them to safer accommodation.
The "Intervention" made by Homeless Services was to evict the family without due process, without recourse to a keyworker, and left to sleep on the side of the road.
If you are living in emergency accommodation and facing poor and unsafe living conditions please get in touch..
The Irish Housing Network has ended their protest outside the Regency Hotel in Dublin following the success of the family in securing alternative accommodation. The Network believes that the success of the family in securing safe alternative accommodation is thanks to the family’s persistence and courage in seeking decent accommodation for their family, and the response and level of solidarity shown by members of the public, the north Dublin community and housing groups across the city. These forces stood together in solidarity, putting significant pressure on the homeless services to provide the support previously denied to the family.
The Network has serious concerns over the reponse of Dublin City Council Homeless Services, Dublin Region Homeless Executive, and R & G Management over the unsafe living conditions persistent in the Regency Hotel, including black mold and damp responsible for the poor health and hospitalisation of the family’s daughter aged 9 months.
The Network understand that the area of the hotel where homeless families are accommodated is run by a separate company with the Regency, R & G Management.
The Dublin Region Homeless Executive have stated that the eviction of this young family was permitted as an “intervention”. Why was no "intervention" made by Homeless Services or Executive to prevent the family from enduring substandard living conditions even when the black mould and damp persisting in the family’s room was brought to the attention of hotel staff and keyworker.
Why was no such intervention made which could have prevented the hospitalisation of their child, with no attempts made to move them to safer accommodation.
The "Intervention" made by Homeless Services was to evict the family without due process, without recourse to a keyworker, and left to sleep on the side of the road.
If you are living in emergency accommodation and facing poor and unsafe living conditions please get in touch..
Co-archived Irish Housing Network
The Housing Games Part 2: Their Plan
30th June 2016
Words by Aisling Hedderman and Seamus Farrell (own opinions)
In 2014 after the boom of the Celtic Tiger, the Economic Collapse of 2008 and 6 years of austerity, the housing system was left in tatters. House Prices were low, building had halted and both rents and homeless were rising.
Housing in Ireland, since the foundation of the state had been focused on ownership, but now a plan began to emerge, a ‘rebalancing’ of the Irish Housing system which would put renting at the centre. Our proposal is that, as important as office space, hotels and mansions in Dalkey continue to be, a new engine is needed to drive the money making wheels of Irish property speculation, and this is emerging as the private rental market.
Housing for Rent
Renting and a strong profitable rental market has begun to emerge as the central vision for Irish housing. There are four pieces to this new housing picture, which together make up the first push towards the private rental market becoming the profit making engine of Irish housing.
Piece 1: Developing the Renters
There is a weak rental market in Ireland by international standards. Small landlords dominate an unstable mix of housing types, spread across the city, poorly managed and maintained. This made renting unattractive for many during the Celtic Tiger and now creates a range of problems as more and more people are forced to rent.
A rental market of small landlords and poor housing quality currently makes a profit but it could make far, far more. To do this the landlord class needs to be professionalised. This can be done in a number of ways. Firstly the small landlords could merge, secondly larger Irish landlords, investors and developers could push the small landlords out by buying up their properties or thirdly the development, investment and management of the rental market could be opened up to vulture funds and professional international rental agencies.
The main shift seems to be towards the final option, open up the market to the international rich. Many development areas in Dublin City, from the Docklands built to serve Ireland’s tax avoided multinationals, to Kilmainham, across the outer reaches of the South Side from Tallaght to Blanchardstown and Swords rental apartments are at the centre of new developments. These have either been developed from the start by or bought off banks and receivers by international companies. Rental Apartment development has become an important part of new developments in other cities across the island and even small to medium towns. This is only the beginning, if government efforts to court more and more international vulture funds bares fruit, such developments will only grow.
Piece 2: Public Housing: Moving the Poor into Private Rental
The 2014 Social Housing Strategy and the announcement of a new model of Housing ‘Public Housing’ in 2015 by the head of Ireland’s most powerful City Council, Dublin City Council signaled the second piece in the housing jigsaw.
The Social Housing Strategy, in the middle of the crisis, with homelessness rising and 140,000 plus people on the social housing list, basically outlined how it would avoid providing social housing. 10,000 homes were proposed per year for 5 years, but behind the smokes and mirrors, any direct work by the council has been largely focused on regenerating a small number of estates and refurbishment (counted as providing even though nothing new was built). The remainder by in large will not be provided directly by the state. Instead voluntary bodies, housing associations and charities are set to be the providers.
If only 10,000 social houses are to be built in the entire country, now largely not developed by the council directly, how will the waiting lists be cleared and what of future demand for social and affordable homes? A new scheme emerged in 2015, supposedly to tackle all of this, ‘Public Housing’. It was and is a call to eliminate social housing, and hand over low income families to an unstable and expensive private rental market, subsidised by the state. The centre piece of Public Housing, is the Housing Assistance Payment (HAP). The state is and will form contracts with private landlords and pay the majority of the rent for tenants under the scheme. This would count as public housing and clear people of the waiting list. It is envisioned that 150,000 people would be on HAP across the country. A whole new range of schemes would also be part of public housing, cost based rental, affordable rental and supported rental. All would involve private landlords providing what was once the role of the council and state. According to Dick Brady head of housing at Dublin City Council, “Developers would get guaranteed rental income and profitable returns over the period.”
As with the social housing strategy, public housing cemented the idea of the council as manager not provider. According the Dick Brady “the key was to “marry” the roles of housing developers and housing managers for the public good. The public good here seems to be the investors pocket and the end to a housing system based on security of tenure and fair rent based on income paid to the state and redistributed to the rest of society.
The move towards public housing, aka private rental instead of social housing has begun. The Private Rental Tendency Board has become the Rental Tendency Board, as all rental disputes merge, HAP has begun its role out and has already begun to dominate parts of the housing and homeless section of councils work and major charities. The government is backing measures to sell the existing social housing stock through low cost loans and right down of prices of social housing for existing tenants to buy these homes. Finally new developments, on public land, are largely being reserved for commercial and private rental development.
The goal of a private rental market as the king of Irish Housing is not yet a reality but its idea is guiding housing policy up and down the country.
Piece 3 Mortgages: Pushing the bottom Mortgage Holders to Private Rental
Since the housing crisis blocks had been put in place to avoid large scale evictions in the mortgage market. These measures left families in terrible debt and improvised in homes but avoided large scale evictions for a time. Two measures in 2014 and 2015 came together in the mortgage system to facilitate this. The first was the Land and Conveyance Act which came into effective in 2014. This quietly lifted limits in place on eviction. In 2015 restriction were also put in place on mortgage borrowing. Prospective mortgage holders would be limited access to the mortgage market if on low income.
In Dick Brady’s words “Public housing would capture …those who have been squeezed out of home-ownership”. Mortgage holders evicted due to arrears and new prospective home owners unable to afford a mortgage would be set with one last option, private rental.
Piece 4: A Homeless Industry
An unstable rental market has already meant a massive increase in homelessness, and with that an emerging homeless industry.
As sick as it sounds, a homeless industry is both a need and an opportunity for the Irish Establishment. It is an opportunity as private business can make money out of this suffering and charities and NGO’s can build their organisations and enrich their board and management. A homeless industry is needed to take in those economically pushed out of the private rental market. It is also needed as a social control, the fear of homelessness means that those who hope for security and are not getting it in the private rental market will stay quiet out of fear homelessness.
This is not a pipe dream, this system in all its brutality is already in place and growing. Councils are moving out of prevention, through the cuts to services, community resources and other measures taken. They are moving away from providing accommodation. In cities, this entails more and more contracts for companies and charities. On traveller halting sites, this means councils refusing to service the sites and/or directly closing sites across the country. For direct provision and refugee accommodation this means private companies providing spaces, and charities checking on conditions, acting as management/regulators. Modular housing has emerged as temporary accommodation that is more stable then hotels but which keeps people in homelessness while creating a new market for private developers and management companies. Homelessness is being made permanent and profitable.
The Cost of a New Renter System
The push to make the private rental market the centre of housing in Ireland is the most right wing push on housing, the most damaging attack on the idea of housing based on need, in a generation. While a small number will benefit, investors, landlords and the rich, there will be very real costs for the majority, if their plans go through.
Instability
The private rental market is unstable by nature, the law, and gardai back up landlords who can evict and the price is set by landlords and investors who will always seek higher profit and therefore rent will go up. The current plan will make this acutely worse. Currently there is not enough private rental supply. The private rental market needs to massively expand to take into those who would be seeking social housing, those coming into the private rental market and those being forced out of mortgages. The numbers simply don’t add up.
HAP the main way of clearing the waiting lists and moving people into private rental will be voluntary for landlords, therefore landlords will not have to accept payments and there will be little or no punishment if landlords pull out of the scheme. When this is combined with the fact that there is no security of tenure or rent controls, tenants are always going to be worried about high rents, rent increases and the risk of homelessness.
Damaging Communities
Economic instability create social instability. A rental system with no security of tenure and rising rents means people forever moving from home to home, breaking any bonds formed with the community and the services they avail of. Without community, without support we see isolation, mental health problems, and breakdown for people’s day to day lives. Austerity has made this worse already by cutting funding to all supports for people and communities. If you fall through the cracks there is little to pull you back up.
Unaffordable
The private market will be expensive for the immediate tenants and in the longer term for society.
With prices set by the markets (who are investors, developers and landlords), a lack of supply because of an investment strike by the rich and with attempts to move large numbers of people from mortgages and social housing into private rental we are likely to see rents continuing to go up.
For private renters on no payment from the state, and with wages low this will push more into poverty. For those on HAP, the state will be paying increasing amounts of money to landlords. For the rental system to work there will be a need to have a large homeless industry. Currently in 2016 costs are 102 million in state subsidies for such a system. When you factor in the loss revenue from social housing sell offs, tax breaks and incentives and spending by the state on subsiding new developments, the housing system will be extensive for everyone without any direct security or stability for the majority.
Deepening Class Divide
Irish society is deeply divided by class, and property is at the centre of this. Despite Dick Brady’s assertion that private rental market, via public housing will create “mixed tenure communities” efforts to create a private rental model seem more likely to deepen rather than loosen class division. Renters are being between private, those who will have a wage to rent without support largely a multinational or managerial middle class, affordable and public for those working but with low incomes the working class and finally social housing for those without work, the lowest section of the working class, to be stigmatised and divided from society further. Homelessness adds an extra layer of brutal class divide between renters and the homeless and within homelessness. The homeless will be seen as having nothing as less then renters. Within homelessness there already is a divide between the respectable and deserving homelessness those who do their time and keep their head down, versus the troubled homeless whose who stand up against their mistreatment or struggling with their living in terms of substance abuse of mental health problems. Stigma and fear will drive the class divide at the centre of modern visions for Irish Housing.
30th June 2016
Words by Aisling Hedderman and Seamus Farrell (own opinions)
In 2014 after the boom of the Celtic Tiger, the Economic Collapse of 2008 and 6 years of austerity, the housing system was left in tatters. House Prices were low, building had halted and both rents and homeless were rising.
Housing in Ireland, since the foundation of the state had been focused on ownership, but now a plan began to emerge, a ‘rebalancing’ of the Irish Housing system which would put renting at the centre. Our proposal is that, as important as office space, hotels and mansions in Dalkey continue to be, a new engine is needed to drive the money making wheels of Irish property speculation, and this is emerging as the private rental market.
Housing for Rent
Renting and a strong profitable rental market has begun to emerge as the central vision for Irish housing. There are four pieces to this new housing picture, which together make up the first push towards the private rental market becoming the profit making engine of Irish housing.
Piece 1: Developing the Renters
There is a weak rental market in Ireland by international standards. Small landlords dominate an unstable mix of housing types, spread across the city, poorly managed and maintained. This made renting unattractive for many during the Celtic Tiger and now creates a range of problems as more and more people are forced to rent.
A rental market of small landlords and poor housing quality currently makes a profit but it could make far, far more. To do this the landlord class needs to be professionalised. This can be done in a number of ways. Firstly the small landlords could merge, secondly larger Irish landlords, investors and developers could push the small landlords out by buying up their properties or thirdly the development, investment and management of the rental market could be opened up to vulture funds and professional international rental agencies.
The main shift seems to be towards the final option, open up the market to the international rich. Many development areas in Dublin City, from the Docklands built to serve Ireland’s tax avoided multinationals, to Kilmainham, across the outer reaches of the South Side from Tallaght to Blanchardstown and Swords rental apartments are at the centre of new developments. These have either been developed from the start by or bought off banks and receivers by international companies. Rental Apartment development has become an important part of new developments in other cities across the island and even small to medium towns. This is only the beginning, if government efforts to court more and more international vulture funds bares fruit, such developments will only grow.
Piece 2: Public Housing: Moving the Poor into Private Rental
The 2014 Social Housing Strategy and the announcement of a new model of Housing ‘Public Housing’ in 2015 by the head of Ireland’s most powerful City Council, Dublin City Council signaled the second piece in the housing jigsaw.
The Social Housing Strategy, in the middle of the crisis, with homelessness rising and 140,000 plus people on the social housing list, basically outlined how it would avoid providing social housing. 10,000 homes were proposed per year for 5 years, but behind the smokes and mirrors, any direct work by the council has been largely focused on regenerating a small number of estates and refurbishment (counted as providing even though nothing new was built). The remainder by in large will not be provided directly by the state. Instead voluntary bodies, housing associations and charities are set to be the providers.
If only 10,000 social houses are to be built in the entire country, now largely not developed by the council directly, how will the waiting lists be cleared and what of future demand for social and affordable homes? A new scheme emerged in 2015, supposedly to tackle all of this, ‘Public Housing’. It was and is a call to eliminate social housing, and hand over low income families to an unstable and expensive private rental market, subsidised by the state. The centre piece of Public Housing, is the Housing Assistance Payment (HAP). The state is and will form contracts with private landlords and pay the majority of the rent for tenants under the scheme. This would count as public housing and clear people of the waiting list. It is envisioned that 150,000 people would be on HAP across the country. A whole new range of schemes would also be part of public housing, cost based rental, affordable rental and supported rental. All would involve private landlords providing what was once the role of the council and state. According to Dick Brady head of housing at Dublin City Council, “Developers would get guaranteed rental income and profitable returns over the period.”
As with the social housing strategy, public housing cemented the idea of the council as manager not provider. According the Dick Brady “the key was to “marry” the roles of housing developers and housing managers for the public good. The public good here seems to be the investors pocket and the end to a housing system based on security of tenure and fair rent based on income paid to the state and redistributed to the rest of society.
The move towards public housing, aka private rental instead of social housing has begun. The Private Rental Tendency Board has become the Rental Tendency Board, as all rental disputes merge, HAP has begun its role out and has already begun to dominate parts of the housing and homeless section of councils work and major charities. The government is backing measures to sell the existing social housing stock through low cost loans and right down of prices of social housing for existing tenants to buy these homes. Finally new developments, on public land, are largely being reserved for commercial and private rental development.
The goal of a private rental market as the king of Irish Housing is not yet a reality but its idea is guiding housing policy up and down the country.
Piece 3 Mortgages: Pushing the bottom Mortgage Holders to Private Rental
Since the housing crisis blocks had been put in place to avoid large scale evictions in the mortgage market. These measures left families in terrible debt and improvised in homes but avoided large scale evictions for a time. Two measures in 2014 and 2015 came together in the mortgage system to facilitate this. The first was the Land and Conveyance Act which came into effective in 2014. This quietly lifted limits in place on eviction. In 2015 restriction were also put in place on mortgage borrowing. Prospective mortgage holders would be limited access to the mortgage market if on low income.
In Dick Brady’s words “Public housing would capture …those who have been squeezed out of home-ownership”. Mortgage holders evicted due to arrears and new prospective home owners unable to afford a mortgage would be set with one last option, private rental.
Piece 4: A Homeless Industry
An unstable rental market has already meant a massive increase in homelessness, and with that an emerging homeless industry.
As sick as it sounds, a homeless industry is both a need and an opportunity for the Irish Establishment. It is an opportunity as private business can make money out of this suffering and charities and NGO’s can build their organisations and enrich their board and management. A homeless industry is needed to take in those economically pushed out of the private rental market. It is also needed as a social control, the fear of homelessness means that those who hope for security and are not getting it in the private rental market will stay quiet out of fear homelessness.
This is not a pipe dream, this system in all its brutality is already in place and growing. Councils are moving out of prevention, through the cuts to services, community resources and other measures taken. They are moving away from providing accommodation. In cities, this entails more and more contracts for companies and charities. On traveller halting sites, this means councils refusing to service the sites and/or directly closing sites across the country. For direct provision and refugee accommodation this means private companies providing spaces, and charities checking on conditions, acting as management/regulators. Modular housing has emerged as temporary accommodation that is more stable then hotels but which keeps people in homelessness while creating a new market for private developers and management companies. Homelessness is being made permanent and profitable.
The Cost of a New Renter System
The push to make the private rental market the centre of housing in Ireland is the most right wing push on housing, the most damaging attack on the idea of housing based on need, in a generation. While a small number will benefit, investors, landlords and the rich, there will be very real costs for the majority, if their plans go through.
Instability
The private rental market is unstable by nature, the law, and gardai back up landlords who can evict and the price is set by landlords and investors who will always seek higher profit and therefore rent will go up. The current plan will make this acutely worse. Currently there is not enough private rental supply. The private rental market needs to massively expand to take into those who would be seeking social housing, those coming into the private rental market and those being forced out of mortgages. The numbers simply don’t add up.
HAP the main way of clearing the waiting lists and moving people into private rental will be voluntary for landlords, therefore landlords will not have to accept payments and there will be little or no punishment if landlords pull out of the scheme. When this is combined with the fact that there is no security of tenure or rent controls, tenants are always going to be worried about high rents, rent increases and the risk of homelessness.
Damaging Communities
Economic instability create social instability. A rental system with no security of tenure and rising rents means people forever moving from home to home, breaking any bonds formed with the community and the services they avail of. Without community, without support we see isolation, mental health problems, and breakdown for people’s day to day lives. Austerity has made this worse already by cutting funding to all supports for people and communities. If you fall through the cracks there is little to pull you back up.
Unaffordable
The private market will be expensive for the immediate tenants and in the longer term for society.
With prices set by the markets (who are investors, developers and landlords), a lack of supply because of an investment strike by the rich and with attempts to move large numbers of people from mortgages and social housing into private rental we are likely to see rents continuing to go up.
For private renters on no payment from the state, and with wages low this will push more into poverty. For those on HAP, the state will be paying increasing amounts of money to landlords. For the rental system to work there will be a need to have a large homeless industry. Currently in 2016 costs are 102 million in state subsidies for such a system. When you factor in the loss revenue from social housing sell offs, tax breaks and incentives and spending by the state on subsiding new developments, the housing system will be extensive for everyone without any direct security or stability for the majority.
Deepening Class Divide
Irish society is deeply divided by class, and property is at the centre of this. Despite Dick Brady’s assertion that private rental market, via public housing will create “mixed tenure communities” efforts to create a private rental model seem more likely to deepen rather than loosen class division. Renters are being between private, those who will have a wage to rent without support largely a multinational or managerial middle class, affordable and public for those working but with low incomes the working class and finally social housing for those without work, the lowest section of the working class, to be stigmatised and divided from society further. Homelessness adds an extra layer of brutal class divide between renters and the homeless and within homelessness. The homeless will be seen as having nothing as less then renters. Within homelessness there already is a divide between the respectable and deserving homelessness those who do their time and keep their head down, versus the troubled homeless whose who stand up against their mistreatment or struggling with their living in terms of substance abuse of mental health problems. Stigma and fear will drive the class divide at the centre of modern visions for Irish Housing.
The Housing Games Part 3: Our Response
3rd July 2016
Words by Aisling Hedderman and Seamus Farrell (own opinions)
2008 was a crisis created by the rich. It was a crisis that saw the rich protected. In housing the outcome has been mortgage distress, high rents, and rising homelessness.
The great vision to tackle all of this, public housing aka a new expanded private rental market is a sham. If a private rental market becomes king, their will an endless supply of profit for investors and landlords but for the rest of us we will see an unstable, community destroying, class dividing, unaffordable system.
In this piece we outline, briefly, an alternative housing system that puts need before greed, steps that would get us there and some ideas on how we can take up this fight. This is starting point for change. We are beginning a furious battle for our housing needs, against an elite who benefit from permanent unstable, unaffordable housing for us and communities too weak and divided to fight back.
Social Housing for all
We badly need an alternative that deals with the immediate conditions, instability, brutality and inhumanity of the existing system and creates a long term alternative which provides for all based on need.
Private home ownership while providing stability for some but has allowed the rich, the golden circle of developers, investors, landlords and political elite to cement their power in Irish society.
The Proposed Private Rental/Public Housing Model, cements an unstable, unaffordable community and class dividing system, which will damage us in the long term.
Social Housing has had its ups and downs. Considered progress from the days of tenements and slums, a place of fair rent and community solidarity, the drug epidemic, unemployment and lack of community resources in the 1980s damaged its image. Despite this the basic idea of social housing is sound, fair rent paid based on income and housing managed by the councils not the private market. We need to not only bring back social housing we need to expand it to include all incomes. This would mean diversity of tenants and enough income to help maintain the housing system for everyone to benefit.
First Steps: Supporting Homeless, Renters and Mortgage Holders
We need short term steps that can be taken now to move us towards housing for all based on need. These steps need to be based on the principles of safe, secure and fair tenancy, housing taken out of the private market, breaking down class divisions and building community.
Homelessness: Anyone in the homeless system should have safe and suitable accommodation for their needs as a right. They should have fixed term contracts with full tenancy rights and the right to representative in any disputes. Homeless services should be taken back from businesses and charity organisations and ran directly by the state. Homeless services should be in the community in which the person has their support network and resources should be built around these needs.
Renters: Security of tenure and rent control. Right to representation in any disputes, based on collective bargaining (a tenants union). To take rental properties out of the market immediate and rebalance power for tenants, indebt landlords should have the option to write off their debt if rental property becomes social housing. This would mean a large reduction in rent for the tenant and a secure contract with the council. Landlords who mistreat tenants, break rent control, or fail to provide safe and suitable accommodation should be fined with the option of repossession of the property with tenants then transferring to social housing.
Mortgage Holders: In the short Term Mortgages debt could be offered to be written off with owners agree that their home becomes social housing. The mortgage holder would then pay rent based on their income, housing secure for their family and the property would be out of the market. Opening up the option of social housing to existing mortgage holders and perspective mortgage holders would mean the option is there for a far lower monthly payment without the risk of economic eviction. For many home ownership is the route they want to take and they will still have that option, but for those who’s main reason for a mortgage is cost and economic security, social housing will be cheaper more secure option.
Long Term: Social Housing for all in Communities for all
Measures to provide for the homeless, renters and mortgage holders and move them towards secure stable and fair rent and housing outside the market would help to rebalance the housing system and provide for thousands currently trapped. Social Housing and strong Communities built around them are the long term solutions that go on top of this. A large scale state building program is needed. Such social housing needs to be built and developed based on need. This means building and transferring homes into social housing where there are existing amenities and community services, traditionally better off areas, and providing community supports while building is done. The types of social houses need to be diverse based on diverse needs and interests. Finally a bad landlord cannot be replaced by a bad council or charity manager. Communities need to have a democratic say in both the running of their estates and in the services provided, through direct democracy.
Fighting for this change?
The powerful forces are moving against housing based on need. Investors, businesses, developers and landlords are lining up supported by the state, charities and NGOs, and a range of academics and policy advisors pushing for a deepening and strengthening of the private market in housing.
We will have to fight this and there are number of important points to keep in mind while we do.
1) Those affected lead
Those affected are many and have common cause to fight back.
Those affected are everyone who is homeless, those living on the street, in B&Bs, hotels and hostels, in detention centres, (in direct provision as refugees) prisoners, people coming out of institutional care, those coming out of rehab, travellers kept on halting sites and women forced out of abusive relationships into domestic refuges.
Those affected are those in social housing who have stability now but whose families, children and grandchildren face overcrowding, homelessness, sofa surfing and an unstable rental market. They can demand their families are looked after and their communities are strengthened after the devastation of the last 30 years.
Those affected are everyone in rented accommodation, be they social renters or private renters; sick of a system which sees them pay so much of what they earn in rent, for an unstable and uncertain living.
Those affected are those who got a loan from a bank to get their family home and who are now living month to month, spending all their money paying a bank that always wants more. This includes those in arrears, and those on the edge of arrears, struggling with their bills.
2) Those most at the fringe will lead from those affected
Those affected who are most at the fringe of the system, the homeless and the lower renters who traditionally fought for social housing we argue are best placed to lead the fight back.
Firstly these groups have the least too loss. The risk of homeless and eviction has already forced a fight or flight response in many. Some escape, understandably, but many have already stood up and fought back, from stopping their own eviction to occupation of the council to ongoing battles with their landlords or the state over conditions.
Secondly, we cannot win a long term change to the system as a whole one by one. We need collective action for wider change. When pushed to the edge of society many increasingly come together to support each other despite the obstacles. If you have little you are more likely to rely on family, friends and your community for support and you support your family, friends and community. The working class and those suffering at the margins are largely not organised into ‘formal’ groups but they still holds informal community power and take collective action when needed. This the base to fight from.
Thirdly the collective memory of the fights of the 1970s and 1980s of social housing when it was new and when communities looked after each other is collective memory of what we need for our children and our children’s children. It is the inspiration for change. Working class families have this memory and tradition which our generation needs. This is inspiration for those struggling in homelessness, social housing and low income renters but also inspiring to those above who might feel they are more comfortable but still facing high rents and unstable housing, who fight consider themselves respectable but who need to fight like everyone else.
3) Room for supporter in the struggle
While those affected need to lead the fight back and those most at the fringe are those taking up the fight already there is room for allies. There are powerful forces who profit from housing, who profit from an insecure and unstable housing system and who build their lives and power on being a class above. They have considerable resources and the full force of the state behind them. Therefore supporters will be important. There are four groups of supporters in particular who can support those affected and combine with them in the struggle for change.
Firstly those who are not affected, who are secure in housing or employment but believe in decent housing for all. These people are important allies, both to support the struggle by those affected and to use their security to take risks that those affected may not be able to.
Secondly there are the left wing political forces. Left wing, socialist and in Ireland left Republican political forces set out their aim as a just and equal society which includes housing. These groups need to support those affected and their communities. They can also connect struggles, from racism and gender inequality which play out in housing to the wider push by the elite to privatise and enrich themselves across all areas.
Thirdly there are Trade Unions. Working conditions and housing are inseparable. A pay increase means nothing if rents go up, more job security means nothing if your rent goes up and homelessness blocks the ability to work full stop. If the aim of trade unions is decent pay and conditions they have to include housing in this, if the aim is further, the dismantling of capitalism itself and its replacement with the labour control then social housing is inseparable from that aim. Trade Unions also have the rich tradition of struggle, organising and disruptive tactics that their members need and the wider housing movement needs.
Finally other ‘progressive’ organisations. There are a whole range of think tanks, universities, charities and NGOs which play a problematic role in defending and protecting the private housing system. These structures need to break from their role and provide a space to both critique the inhumanity of the system but also provide space and resources for the voices of those affected.
Conclusion
The History of Housing is Ireland is of brutality, inequality, power for the rich and marginalisation of the poor. It is a system built on ownership that now aims to be centred on renting. It is a system that will continue to and will deepen chaos, instability and suffering for the majority.
We needs an alternative, the system needs to be replaced as a whole not tinkered with at the edges. We need a social housing system open to everyone, taking housing out of the market, providing security and fair rent and starting the challenge to class division itself. We will not be handed this, we need to fight for change. Those affected and those most at the fringe of the system can and will lead this fight back and will call broad sways of society to come out and support, the most common sense but radical of demand, a secure, stable home for all.
3rd July 2016
Words by Aisling Hedderman and Seamus Farrell (own opinions)
2008 was a crisis created by the rich. It was a crisis that saw the rich protected. In housing the outcome has been mortgage distress, high rents, and rising homelessness.
The great vision to tackle all of this, public housing aka a new expanded private rental market is a sham. If a private rental market becomes king, their will an endless supply of profit for investors and landlords but for the rest of us we will see an unstable, community destroying, class dividing, unaffordable system.
In this piece we outline, briefly, an alternative housing system that puts need before greed, steps that would get us there and some ideas on how we can take up this fight. This is starting point for change. We are beginning a furious battle for our housing needs, against an elite who benefit from permanent unstable, unaffordable housing for us and communities too weak and divided to fight back.
Social Housing for all
We badly need an alternative that deals with the immediate conditions, instability, brutality and inhumanity of the existing system and creates a long term alternative which provides for all based on need.
Private home ownership while providing stability for some but has allowed the rich, the golden circle of developers, investors, landlords and political elite to cement their power in Irish society.
The Proposed Private Rental/Public Housing Model, cements an unstable, unaffordable community and class dividing system, which will damage us in the long term.
Social Housing has had its ups and downs. Considered progress from the days of tenements and slums, a place of fair rent and community solidarity, the drug epidemic, unemployment and lack of community resources in the 1980s damaged its image. Despite this the basic idea of social housing is sound, fair rent paid based on income and housing managed by the councils not the private market. We need to not only bring back social housing we need to expand it to include all incomes. This would mean diversity of tenants and enough income to help maintain the housing system for everyone to benefit.
First Steps: Supporting Homeless, Renters and Mortgage Holders
We need short term steps that can be taken now to move us towards housing for all based on need. These steps need to be based on the principles of safe, secure and fair tenancy, housing taken out of the private market, breaking down class divisions and building community.
Homelessness: Anyone in the homeless system should have safe and suitable accommodation for their needs as a right. They should have fixed term contracts with full tenancy rights and the right to representative in any disputes. Homeless services should be taken back from businesses and charity organisations and ran directly by the state. Homeless services should be in the community in which the person has their support network and resources should be built around these needs.
Renters: Security of tenure and rent control. Right to representation in any disputes, based on collective bargaining (a tenants union). To take rental properties out of the market immediate and rebalance power for tenants, indebt landlords should have the option to write off their debt if rental property becomes social housing. This would mean a large reduction in rent for the tenant and a secure contract with the council. Landlords who mistreat tenants, break rent control, or fail to provide safe and suitable accommodation should be fined with the option of repossession of the property with tenants then transferring to social housing.
Mortgage Holders: In the short Term Mortgages debt could be offered to be written off with owners agree that their home becomes social housing. The mortgage holder would then pay rent based on their income, housing secure for their family and the property would be out of the market. Opening up the option of social housing to existing mortgage holders and perspective mortgage holders would mean the option is there for a far lower monthly payment without the risk of economic eviction. For many home ownership is the route they want to take and they will still have that option, but for those who’s main reason for a mortgage is cost and economic security, social housing will be cheaper more secure option.
Long Term: Social Housing for all in Communities for all
Measures to provide for the homeless, renters and mortgage holders and move them towards secure stable and fair rent and housing outside the market would help to rebalance the housing system and provide for thousands currently trapped. Social Housing and strong Communities built around them are the long term solutions that go on top of this. A large scale state building program is needed. Such social housing needs to be built and developed based on need. This means building and transferring homes into social housing where there are existing amenities and community services, traditionally better off areas, and providing community supports while building is done. The types of social houses need to be diverse based on diverse needs and interests. Finally a bad landlord cannot be replaced by a bad council or charity manager. Communities need to have a democratic say in both the running of their estates and in the services provided, through direct democracy.
Fighting for this change?
The powerful forces are moving against housing based on need. Investors, businesses, developers and landlords are lining up supported by the state, charities and NGOs, and a range of academics and policy advisors pushing for a deepening and strengthening of the private market in housing.
We will have to fight this and there are number of important points to keep in mind while we do.
1) Those affected lead
Those affected are many and have common cause to fight back.
Those affected are everyone who is homeless, those living on the street, in B&Bs, hotels and hostels, in detention centres, (in direct provision as refugees) prisoners, people coming out of institutional care, those coming out of rehab, travellers kept on halting sites and women forced out of abusive relationships into domestic refuges.
Those affected are those in social housing who have stability now but whose families, children and grandchildren face overcrowding, homelessness, sofa surfing and an unstable rental market. They can demand their families are looked after and their communities are strengthened after the devastation of the last 30 years.
Those affected are everyone in rented accommodation, be they social renters or private renters; sick of a system which sees them pay so much of what they earn in rent, for an unstable and uncertain living.
Those affected are those who got a loan from a bank to get their family home and who are now living month to month, spending all their money paying a bank that always wants more. This includes those in arrears, and those on the edge of arrears, struggling with their bills.
2) Those most at the fringe will lead from those affected
Those affected who are most at the fringe of the system, the homeless and the lower renters who traditionally fought for social housing we argue are best placed to lead the fight back.
Firstly these groups have the least too loss. The risk of homeless and eviction has already forced a fight or flight response in many. Some escape, understandably, but many have already stood up and fought back, from stopping their own eviction to occupation of the council to ongoing battles with their landlords or the state over conditions.
Secondly, we cannot win a long term change to the system as a whole one by one. We need collective action for wider change. When pushed to the edge of society many increasingly come together to support each other despite the obstacles. If you have little you are more likely to rely on family, friends and your community for support and you support your family, friends and community. The working class and those suffering at the margins are largely not organised into ‘formal’ groups but they still holds informal community power and take collective action when needed. This the base to fight from.
Thirdly the collective memory of the fights of the 1970s and 1980s of social housing when it was new and when communities looked after each other is collective memory of what we need for our children and our children’s children. It is the inspiration for change. Working class families have this memory and tradition which our generation needs. This is inspiration for those struggling in homelessness, social housing and low income renters but also inspiring to those above who might feel they are more comfortable but still facing high rents and unstable housing, who fight consider themselves respectable but who need to fight like everyone else.
3) Room for supporter in the struggle
While those affected need to lead the fight back and those most at the fringe are those taking up the fight already there is room for allies. There are powerful forces who profit from housing, who profit from an insecure and unstable housing system and who build their lives and power on being a class above. They have considerable resources and the full force of the state behind them. Therefore supporters will be important. There are four groups of supporters in particular who can support those affected and combine with them in the struggle for change.
Firstly those who are not affected, who are secure in housing or employment but believe in decent housing for all. These people are important allies, both to support the struggle by those affected and to use their security to take risks that those affected may not be able to.
Secondly there are the left wing political forces. Left wing, socialist and in Ireland left Republican political forces set out their aim as a just and equal society which includes housing. These groups need to support those affected and their communities. They can also connect struggles, from racism and gender inequality which play out in housing to the wider push by the elite to privatise and enrich themselves across all areas.
Thirdly there are Trade Unions. Working conditions and housing are inseparable. A pay increase means nothing if rents go up, more job security means nothing if your rent goes up and homelessness blocks the ability to work full stop. If the aim of trade unions is decent pay and conditions they have to include housing in this, if the aim is further, the dismantling of capitalism itself and its replacement with the labour control then social housing is inseparable from that aim. Trade Unions also have the rich tradition of struggle, organising and disruptive tactics that their members need and the wider housing movement needs.
Finally other ‘progressive’ organisations. There are a whole range of think tanks, universities, charities and NGOs which play a problematic role in defending and protecting the private housing system. These structures need to break from their role and provide a space to both critique the inhumanity of the system but also provide space and resources for the voices of those affected.
Conclusion
The History of Housing is Ireland is of brutality, inequality, power for the rich and marginalisation of the poor. It is a system built on ownership that now aims to be centred on renting. It is a system that will continue to and will deepen chaos, instability and suffering for the majority.
We needs an alternative, the system needs to be replaced as a whole not tinkered with at the edges. We need a social housing system open to everyone, taking housing out of the market, providing security and fair rent and starting the challenge to class division itself. We will not be handed this, we need to fight for change. Those affected and those most at the fringe of the system can and will lead this fight back and will call broad sways of society to come out and support, the most common sense but radical of demand, a secure, stable home for all.
My heart is broke all day thinking about a man who stopped by our table last night just as we were about to close up. He was visibly soaking wet and shivering from the cold. He was covered in leaves and petals like he'd been asleep under a bush in the wet weather. He just stopped for a cuppa and moved up to 1 of the windows of the GPO to drink it. He asked us for nothing yet was more in need than anyone we've looked after lately. I just couldn't let him disappear into the night without trying to help. We had no clothes with us last night but I had a hoodie in the car which I took out and approached him with and he was glad to accept it from me. I helped him out of his wet hoodie and put the other 1 on him but sure his T-shirt and tracksuit bottoms were dripping wet. Billy 1 of the volunteers was about to take the clothes off his back to give him when Tracey another of our volunteers arrived back from the Tiglin bus with an armful of dry clothes to give to him. The jeans had been gave to her from the bag of another homeless man who wanted to help. We helped him strip and dried him off and got all the leaves and dirt off him. We held up a tablecloth to make a makeshift changing area for him to get into the dry fresh clothes. We gave him a bag of food an sleeping bag and blanket before we left him.
I've been working helping the homeless a year this month and I try not to take it home with me or affect me to deeply but by god this lad Kevin is after reefing the heartstrings out of me. 3 times today I've cried over him. we have some greedy people who come to the table and it was this 1 man who needed the most who asked for nothing. I really hope he comes back to visit us soon so we can make sure he's getting looked after as best he can be in his situation.
I've been working helping the homeless a year this month and I try not to take it home with me or affect me to deeply but by god this lad Kevin is after reefing the heartstrings out of me. 3 times today I've cried over him. we have some greedy people who come to the table and it was this 1 man who needed the most who asked for nothing. I really hope he comes back to visit us soon so we can make sure he's getting looked after as best he can be in his situation.
Co-archived Sinead Kane
Anti – Homelessness March
We have a serious problem regarding homelessness in Ireland today. It’s heartbreaking to witness people and families struggling to keep a roof under their heads. Should banks be allowed to evict tenants regardless if they have a contract with an ex landlord? Why put out a family on the streets and then leave their house barred up and empty?
On Saturday 28th May 2016, hundreds of people marched through Dublin City, to take part in the Housing Crisis March. People from all ages and walks of life met outside Custom House to show their support. The turn out was very impressive. We left Custom Quay at a little past 2.20 pm. We walked over the Matt Talbot bridge on to Sir John Rogers Quay. At the very front of the march was a banner being carried by various people including Fr. Peter McFerry. There where several other groups carrying banners representing various charities.
We headed down towards Aston Quay with the support from the public passing by. As we marched down the quays, you could hear the crowds chanting and singing. We walked all the way down to the Dublin City Council Building, crossed the bridge, then made our way back to O’Connell street, to the GPO where the rally took place.
There was various people invited up to speak such as TD Brid Smith, Fr. Peter McVerry, Pat Greene representing Dublin Simon Community, members from PBP, Siptu, Impact, CWU, Sinn Fein, Mandate Unite, Innercity Against Homeless, Bernie Kelly, and Evelyn Campbell. People took to the stage to share their experiences, struggles, and fears.
The question I ask is, how can this system work? If there is no safety net put in to place? In my opinion its the Governments fault. They had had a good five years with or without a coalition to solve the housing crisis. Look at the money they gave to Irish Water. The government know that by fixing the homelessness crisis, they would not have gained any taxes like they hoped to get from Irish Water.
At this very moment we have over 2000 children living in emergency accommodation. There are families having to use dinner houses because they don’t have the facilities to store food or cook meals. This is not acceptable. We need to take action NOW!
We have a serious problem regarding homelessness in Ireland today. It’s heartbreaking to witness people and families struggling to keep a roof under their heads. Should banks be allowed to evict tenants regardless if they have a contract with an ex landlord? Why put out a family on the streets and then leave their house barred up and empty?
On Saturday 28th May 2016, hundreds of people marched through Dublin City, to take part in the Housing Crisis March. People from all ages and walks of life met outside Custom House to show their support. The turn out was very impressive. We left Custom Quay at a little past 2.20 pm. We walked over the Matt Talbot bridge on to Sir John Rogers Quay. At the very front of the march was a banner being carried by various people including Fr. Peter McFerry. There where several other groups carrying banners representing various charities.
We headed down towards Aston Quay with the support from the public passing by. As we marched down the quays, you could hear the crowds chanting and singing. We walked all the way down to the Dublin City Council Building, crossed the bridge, then made our way back to O’Connell street, to the GPO where the rally took place.
There was various people invited up to speak such as TD Brid Smith, Fr. Peter McVerry, Pat Greene representing Dublin Simon Community, members from PBP, Siptu, Impact, CWU, Sinn Fein, Mandate Unite, Innercity Against Homeless, Bernie Kelly, and Evelyn Campbell. People took to the stage to share their experiences, struggles, and fears.
The question I ask is, how can this system work? If there is no safety net put in to place? In my opinion its the Governments fault. They had had a good five years with or without a coalition to solve the housing crisis. Look at the money they gave to Irish Water. The government know that by fixing the homelessness crisis, they would not have gained any taxes like they hoped to get from Irish Water.
At this very moment we have over 2000 children living in emergency accommodation. There are families having to use dinner houses because they don’t have the facilities to store food or cook meals. This is not acceptable. We need to take action NOW!
Co-archived Alan Finn
Fraud and the importance of checking documents. I was in Amoss Solicitors checking loan documents from Ulster Bank on behalf of a friend of mine. Ulster Bank copied an acceptance page of a loan my friend did take out and put it as an acceptance page to a loan of 1.2 million that he never signed for. I called the Gardai and matters will progress down a criminal route now. Please share to highlight the corruption and white collar crime which is rampant and unchecked and unpunished in this country.
Co-archived Ben Gilroy
A man who was defending his sisters home in court today was denied due process ( help his sister) and judge Alice Doyle would not give a explanation to why she would not let him speak and gave him 14 days in prison, this man who was run over a few weeks ago is on serious medication, judge ALICE DOYLE then proceeded with the case with no one to defend the dwellings which makes me wonder where is the fairness in this case when you need a judge, plaintive, component witness and DEFENDENT which was not their,
COURT OF HUMAN RIGHTS comes timing as a judge CAN not be a JUDGE, PROSECUTOR AND EXCUSTIONER all at once this would remind you of that cowboy judge when he said " we are going to give you a fair trial before we hang you ". I have never seen such a corrupt court case as this, she is working for the bank from what I saw today and she will be held to account for her actions even if it goes to Europe as you won't get a fair trial here in IRELAND.
COURT OF HUMAN RIGHTS comes timing as a judge CAN not be a JUDGE, PROSECUTOR AND EXCUSTIONER all at once this would remind you of that cowboy judge when he said " we are going to give you a fair trial before we hang you ". I have never seen such a corrupt court case as this, she is working for the bank from what I saw today and she will be held to account for her actions even if it goes to Europe as you won't get a fair trial here in IRELAND.
Co-archived Martin Walshe
Philip has been homeless for the last 3 years because our corrupt system and services have let him down and abandoned him. like so many others in this country who have mental health issues, life is not so easy to manage. and especially when a persons ability to be consistent and coherent is zero then they are definitely not going to get help from services, they have to tick all the boxes otherwise they don't exist, they have to have an address to get social welfare, THEY ARE HOMELESS THEY HAVE NONE, they have to have social welfare to get a medical card, SEE ABOVE !!!, they have to show up to south Dublin county council every day to declare themselves homeless and might get a bed in a hostel for the night, they have mental health issues and don't have the capacity to do this, so they just roam anywhere they can and seek whatever they can get. an absolutly heartbreaking situation.
Most of you know Philip's story, he lost his home three years ago for many reasons, but the council said it was because he was vulnerable in his flat to others in the community, they were right he was, Others did use his flat for parties and drug taking and used him to use his flat, they didn't give two shits about him or the consequences of what they did, he was to afraid to say no. so of course the neighbours complained to the police and council and rightly so, nobody should have to live with that. Philip was promptly taken back into hospital for treatment and while in there his flat was broken into by the people that used him, so the council boarded it up till he comes out they said. only that's not what happened, they then decided he could not go back to the flat that he was venerable, that they wanted to put him into supervised accommodation, he said no he wanted to stay in his own place and they said no your not getting back in there. and this went on for a year or more, the hospital released him to the streets, they said the homeless services, but they only have to get one one night secured in a hostel for that, after that you have to present to south Dublin county council every day to get a bed, and that's were it all fell apart, his flat was boarded up for three years he was in a deadlock with the council he wouldn't give it back to them and they wouldn't let him into it. it was given to someone else last year, Philip's ability to understand how someone else could be in his flat was zero and he tormented to person in it, and they have a right to feel safe too so Philip was prosecuted with intimidation, he never turned up in court again because his ability to understand and be coherent is zero, he was eventually picked up by the guards three weeks before Christmas and brought to Cloverhill on remand, believe it or not we were delight, at least he would be warm and fed for a couple of weeks and hopefully till after Christmas, Nope Cloverhill said it was a place that could help him so they asked the court to transfer him to Tallaght hospital for treatment, this was indeed done, but they against all our pleading and badgering released him a week later to the streets. with no money, no home, no nothing. and that how it has been since.
Okay now you might ask why didn't his family help him, and it is a fair question, but believe me we did and do, we had everything under control for 16 years, his home, his stability, his treatment, whatever was needed we were there doing it, but it was never easy, he hated us controlling his life as he put it and fought us all the time, but still we carried on. till that time 4 years ago when he went into hospital and every single thing we controlled we were told was he right to decide, So every decision being made was by a man with server mental health issues and there was nothing we could do anymore. it spiralled downhill, he stopped engaging with anyone or service, he would only have anything to do with us when he wanted money which we give, we still dress him, feed him and engage with him whenever we can, it is not easy he just gets angry and agitated with us because we are trying to control him, it can be quite hard to not react to him but mostly we just give him what he needs.
Now Philip is still lucky in some ways as long as he stays in the community, you see we come fro an amazing community of people who know him well, and they do look out for him, the people in the community do give to him enormously, food, clothes, smokes, money and clothes and I know people have often woke to find him in their porch or car of a morning but just tell him to move on, we know that we will always be told by people when they see him and let us know how he is and we are forever grateful for all of this.
but as you can see from the pictures he was attacked on Wednesday night/ Thursday morning while sleeping on a bench in the Dodder park, there was no reason for it he was just sleeping in his sleeping bag on the bench when two little fuckers thought it would be a good idea to beat him up, and leave him to die, they beat him so bad they punctured his lung, fractured his face, beat him about the back of the head and ripped his jacket practically off of him in the frenzy. he was not found till Thursday morning by two school kids who then rang an ambulance. WHY THE FUCK WHY !!! would anyone do this to a homeless man who has nothing in this world but the clothes on his back and nowhere to call home, Philip can be mouthy and say things but someone would need to be blind and deaf to not see that their is clearly mental health issues going on. we live everyday with the fear of this happening to him, we cry, beg, plead and scream at him to do what is needed to be done to get him off the streets but he believed he was indestructible. we are now back to square one where the hospital are saying when he is released it will be to a hostel, and will then have to present at south Dublin county council every day to declare himself homeless, who will not have anything to do with him whatsoever, no social welfare, no medical card no support from anywhere because he won't/can't engage.
Our hearts are broken are we missing something somewhere that can help him or us to help him, how do others like him have a chance of being anything other than what they are unless they engage and tick the boxes, they just can't it is not in their reality of things, so they are left and abandoned by the corrupt system that fails them constantly.
I don't know how the shit government don't hang their heads in shame at how the most vulnerable in our country are the ones completely abandoned by them.
I hope whatever piece of shit done this to him dosen't sleep at night because no stone will be left unturned till they are caught
Most of you know Philip's story, he lost his home three years ago for many reasons, but the council said it was because he was vulnerable in his flat to others in the community, they were right he was, Others did use his flat for parties and drug taking and used him to use his flat, they didn't give two shits about him or the consequences of what they did, he was to afraid to say no. so of course the neighbours complained to the police and council and rightly so, nobody should have to live with that. Philip was promptly taken back into hospital for treatment and while in there his flat was broken into by the people that used him, so the council boarded it up till he comes out they said. only that's not what happened, they then decided he could not go back to the flat that he was venerable, that they wanted to put him into supervised accommodation, he said no he wanted to stay in his own place and they said no your not getting back in there. and this went on for a year or more, the hospital released him to the streets, they said the homeless services, but they only have to get one one night secured in a hostel for that, after that you have to present to south Dublin county council every day to get a bed, and that's were it all fell apart, his flat was boarded up for three years he was in a deadlock with the council he wouldn't give it back to them and they wouldn't let him into it. it was given to someone else last year, Philip's ability to understand how someone else could be in his flat was zero and he tormented to person in it, and they have a right to feel safe too so Philip was prosecuted with intimidation, he never turned up in court again because his ability to understand and be coherent is zero, he was eventually picked up by the guards three weeks before Christmas and brought to Cloverhill on remand, believe it or not we were delight, at least he would be warm and fed for a couple of weeks and hopefully till after Christmas, Nope Cloverhill said it was a place that could help him so they asked the court to transfer him to Tallaght hospital for treatment, this was indeed done, but they against all our pleading and badgering released him a week later to the streets. with no money, no home, no nothing. and that how it has been since.
Okay now you might ask why didn't his family help him, and it is a fair question, but believe me we did and do, we had everything under control for 16 years, his home, his stability, his treatment, whatever was needed we were there doing it, but it was never easy, he hated us controlling his life as he put it and fought us all the time, but still we carried on. till that time 4 years ago when he went into hospital and every single thing we controlled we were told was he right to decide, So every decision being made was by a man with server mental health issues and there was nothing we could do anymore. it spiralled downhill, he stopped engaging with anyone or service, he would only have anything to do with us when he wanted money which we give, we still dress him, feed him and engage with him whenever we can, it is not easy he just gets angry and agitated with us because we are trying to control him, it can be quite hard to not react to him but mostly we just give him what he needs.
Now Philip is still lucky in some ways as long as he stays in the community, you see we come fro an amazing community of people who know him well, and they do look out for him, the people in the community do give to him enormously, food, clothes, smokes, money and clothes and I know people have often woke to find him in their porch or car of a morning but just tell him to move on, we know that we will always be told by people when they see him and let us know how he is and we are forever grateful for all of this.
but as you can see from the pictures he was attacked on Wednesday night/ Thursday morning while sleeping on a bench in the Dodder park, there was no reason for it he was just sleeping in his sleeping bag on the bench when two little fuckers thought it would be a good idea to beat him up, and leave him to die, they beat him so bad they punctured his lung, fractured his face, beat him about the back of the head and ripped his jacket practically off of him in the frenzy. he was not found till Thursday morning by two school kids who then rang an ambulance. WHY THE FUCK WHY !!! would anyone do this to a homeless man who has nothing in this world but the clothes on his back and nowhere to call home, Philip can be mouthy and say things but someone would need to be blind and deaf to not see that their is clearly mental health issues going on. we live everyday with the fear of this happening to him, we cry, beg, plead and scream at him to do what is needed to be done to get him off the streets but he believed he was indestructible. we are now back to square one where the hospital are saying when he is released it will be to a hostel, and will then have to present at south Dublin county council every day to declare himself homeless, who will not have anything to do with him whatsoever, no social welfare, no medical card no support from anywhere because he won't/can't engage.
Our hearts are broken are we missing something somewhere that can help him or us to help him, how do others like him have a chance of being anything other than what they are unless they engage and tick the boxes, they just can't it is not in their reality of things, so they are left and abandoned by the corrupt system that fails them constantly.
I don't know how the shit government don't hang their heads in shame at how the most vulnerable in our country are the ones completely abandoned by them.
I hope whatever piece of shit done this to him dosen't sleep at night because no stone will be left unturned till they are caught
Co-archived Anita Doyle
SPOT THE DIFFERENCE
In scenes reminiscent of a Ukrainian fascist paramilitary parade, a new terrifying and chilling vision has reared its ugly head in a tiny country village called Dysert in the town land of Corofin, which is situated to the north of Ennis in County Clare. The sight of men dressed in black uniform type outfits with coloured armbands that supposedly held security ID cards, but looking notoriously like swastikas at a very quick glance.
One would think that the photographs and video taken on the day were set in Eastern Europe as seen in the first picture rather than modern day rural Ireland, 2016 as seen in the other three pictures.
CHERRY PICKING BY THE BANKS
The setting for this story was the attempted eviction of a man with health and wellness issues from his home on Friday 20th May 2016.
Tommy Collins lives alone and has never bothered anyone, according to his neighbours. Tommy has lived his whole life in Corofin, never really leaving the area to travel anywhere of significance, always staying close to home and the place where he was born and raised. Tommy worked in a nearby quarry all of his working life. Home behind closed doors was comfort to Tommy’s vulnerable mind. A very affable character according to those who know him, but an equally private man to boot.
Tommy like many others fell behind in his mortgage when he was made unemployed. Tommy stated “The machinery replaced my job in the local quarry where I used to work”.
Unable to afford legal representation and certainly unable to represent himself in front of the intimidating courts, Tommy’s home was taken from beneath him by a scribble of the County Registrar's pen.
Easy pickings, the legal world would say. Low hanging fruit, as the bank would say.
CLARE COUNTY COUNCIL
It is understood from sources close to the eviction attempt that Clare County Council may have played a part in the lead up to the eviction attempt. It is alleged that Tommy had borrowed €76,000 to extend his tiny home, a home that he was born and raised in. Tommy’s mortgage came to the sum of €350 per month in repayments. A comfortable sum by most standards when one is working. However Tommy was let go from his job when the Celtic Tiger crashed. The building trade and the requirement for quarried goods dried up and crashed with it.
Technology and machinery eventually replaced flesh and blood.
It is alleged that Clare County Council sought and won a demolition order on the extension that Tommy had built as it was marginally over the size permitted by the council for an extension. Effectively this act left Tommy paying a mortgage for a useless pile of concrete blocks and timber.
BANK OF IRELAND
But what happened next goes beyond belief. It is alleged that Tommy went to the Bank of Ireland looking for a small mortgage and managed to obtain a new loan of €90,000, even though the bank were aware that Tommy was no longer in employment. Added to the original loan Tommy’s repayment doubled to over €640 per month even though his income from Social welfare payment were a total of €600 per month, meaning it was impossible for him to pay back the loan.
The well-known curse of the newly created indebted class reared its ugly head. Food or mortgage, mortgage or food?
THE APPEARANCE OF THE MEN IN BLACK
On the day of the attempted eviction, several men turned up at Tommy’s residence in order to evict him from his home. To add to the already threatening and menacing situation, these men were wearing balaclavas, tactically designed to hide their faces from the public glare and the waiting cameras. A glare that they would ultimately be subjected to anyway by a group of waiting anti eviction activists and justice campaigners from the southern arm of the Anti-Eviction Taskforce (AET) led by formidable Kerry man, Brian McCarthy.
In what appeared to be a new development in the realms of evictions, at least of the men clearly wore Defence Forces issue boots, boots that gave away the nature of the individual’s other day job and most probably worn the day before on the parade ground. Allegations of involvement by members of the Defence Forces in the attempted eviction are now under investigation by the military authorities after a complaint was made to Army HQ in Dublin.
Added to this dangerous precedent of using members of the countries security services, the name of one of the largest security companies in the country also comes under scrutiny for its involvement in the attempted eviction. G4S are alleged to have been the main security company tasked with taking vacant possession. G4S had instructed a local locksmith to interfere with the locks several days prior to the attempted eviction.
According to Brian McCarthy of the AET, several members of the “security team” turned up unannounced on the Wednesday 18th of May after ascertaining that Tommy was out of the house and subsequently illegally broke into the property and changing the locks in the process.
Meanwhile, Liam Kitt, who according to sources is a brother of former Fianna Fail TD Michael Kitt, also attended the illegal entry, under the guise of Court Messenger, allegedly to oversee the handy work of the security company. Witnesses stated that none of these individuals were armed with any form of official court paperwork or supporting legal documentation in order to qualify an eviction or commit trespass on what is still private property.
Mr Kitt, an ex-ACC bank employee was appointed to the position of Court Messenger after his retirement from the bank. While there is no suggestion that this appointment was politically motivated, it does raise questions about an individual who was previously involved in mortgage lending; now being employed by the courts to evict some of those same homeowners who had borrowed from his previous employers.
Concerned neighbours and members of the Anti-Eviction Taskforce ejected the individuals involved from the property and changed the locks shortly afterwards.
THE LIMERICK CITY FOOTBALL CLUB CONNECTION
The real cause for concern however was the ominous appearance of the now infamous men in black led by a bearded gentleman who purporting to be some sort of court official, however as subsequent investigations would show that this alleged “Court Messenger” was a retired member of An Garda Siochana and a Limerick City Football Club employee who runs event security for the club.
After investigation it was ascertained that the man appearing to lead the “security team” was ex-detective sergeant Mick Murphy from Limerick.
Questions do remain to be answered around this controversial figure. Questions such as; who actually employs ex-detective sergeant Mick Murphy and what was the reason for his presence on the day? Does ex-detective sergeant Murphy work for the security company G4S as it is known that they were the primary security contractor for this eviction attempt or was he employed by the Under - Sherriff or the Courts Service or none of the above?
One bystander who attended the eviction quipped. “Being an ex-member apparently still has its benefits, it seems”. Questions addressed to the Courts Service about Murphy’s role on the day went unanswered. Other members of the security team are alleged to also work under Murphy acting as security men for Limerick City Football Club football matches and other events.
The sight of several members of An Garda Siochana appearing to be backing up the men in black only served to heighten the tension and especially so when two of these balaclava clad individuals were seen jumping into the back of a Garda squad car as it eventually sped from the scene, leading to speculation among the bystanders that these two individuals were more than just bailiffs’.
According to eyewitness accounts, one of these individuals wearing a blue jacket also appeared to be wearing Garda issue surveillance equipment. Therefore the question that naturally needs to be asked is; were at least one of these men serving members of An Garda Siochana who caught moonlighting as hired muscle for the banks?
It was noted that one member of the Garda escort attempted to make a solo entry into the house but was made aware of his actions and the consequences of doing so by a member of the AET. The Garda then moved away from the house followed closely by a number of activists.
In a lighter moment, a quick witted activist at the scene was very fast to point out the irony of our national police force and men in balaclavas working together, as he hadn't seen such co-operation between the two since the troubles!
NO PAPERWORK, NO EVICTION
Turning up to serve an eviction order with an unsigned warrant, four months out of date might have worked on vulnerable Tommy Collins but certainly was not going to work on this day due to the eagle eyes of the Anti-Eviction team, who eventually sent the retired detective sergeant, his men in black and the Garda escort packing. According to Brian McCarthy of the AET, “nobody in the courts service wanted to sign the eviction order and that is why it was four months out of date and to try and serve an invalid eviction warrant smacks of sheer desperation on somebody’s part “.
According to video recording posted on social media, of a heated conversation between several activists and one of the Gardaí seen in the video telling them that he was only here to enforce the warrant and that he was only given one duty to deal with, which was to effectively enforce an invalid or non-existent warrant as was the case. Activists at the scene stated that the bank, solicitors and Courts Service, should be both charged with wasting precious Garda resources.
McCarthy also stated, “That we believe that only education will bring down the corrupt system and that we will not be engaging in violence, as violence only serves the corrupt system’s purpose”.
THE MYSTERIOUS BLACK BMW
Eyewitnesses pointed out that registration plates on a BMW owned by one of the security men had been taped over using silver Gaffer tape, while the tax, NCT and insurance disks were removed by the owner of the 5 series BMW with the apparent blessing of the escorting Gardaí. It is claimed that the Garda seen talking in the video openly stated that he was there to enforce the eviction warrant and was refusing to deal with any other matters such as non-display of tax, insurance and NCT or the covering up of the registration plate with gaffer tape when a complaint was made by several bystanders as to the illegality of the act.
Activists have stated that they will be making a complaint to GSOC and other relevant authorities regarding the refusal of the Garda to prosecute the owner of the BMW.
THE POLITICAL TAKE ON EVICTIONS
Politicians in the meantime sit on the fence, afraid to be seen to support the stricken homeowners but even more afraid to buck the system and upset the banks or their party leader. When a political system allows a reign of terror by the banks and the courts to continue unhindered, it begs the question… What government minister is going to setup a NAMA for the man in the street and where is the political will to bail out the little man and woman?
Why did the new Independent minister’s in government not add this to their agenda in helping to form a new government? Are one hundred thousand families and their homes not more important than the formation of a government that continues to please the banking fraternity?
On the other side of the coin, it gets tiresome blaming the banks because we know how culpable that they were in this entire sham or maybe we should call it as it is. A big bloody scam!
However, it should never get tiresome blaming the politicians because they work for us all, or do they?
Does money handed under the table in large brown envelopes and promises of big payoffs of one sort or another still play a part in modern day politics to such an extent that the banks and corporations give all the orders and the politicians do all the bowing and scraping?
What drives a politician to sell his or her services to the highest bidder? I think we already know the answer to that one!
In the interim, direct intervention and immediate action is required by the government. Banks and developers have had their turn and now it’s the turn of the homeowners for a peoples NAMA.
Without the vulture funds, I might add!
In scenes reminiscent of a Ukrainian fascist paramilitary parade, a new terrifying and chilling vision has reared its ugly head in a tiny country village called Dysert in the town land of Corofin, which is situated to the north of Ennis in County Clare. The sight of men dressed in black uniform type outfits with coloured armbands that supposedly held security ID cards, but looking notoriously like swastikas at a very quick glance.
One would think that the photographs and video taken on the day were set in Eastern Europe as seen in the first picture rather than modern day rural Ireland, 2016 as seen in the other three pictures.
CHERRY PICKING BY THE BANKS
The setting for this story was the attempted eviction of a man with health and wellness issues from his home on Friday 20th May 2016.
Tommy Collins lives alone and has never bothered anyone, according to his neighbours. Tommy has lived his whole life in Corofin, never really leaving the area to travel anywhere of significance, always staying close to home and the place where he was born and raised. Tommy worked in a nearby quarry all of his working life. Home behind closed doors was comfort to Tommy’s vulnerable mind. A very affable character according to those who know him, but an equally private man to boot.
Tommy like many others fell behind in his mortgage when he was made unemployed. Tommy stated “The machinery replaced my job in the local quarry where I used to work”.
Unable to afford legal representation and certainly unable to represent himself in front of the intimidating courts, Tommy’s home was taken from beneath him by a scribble of the County Registrar's pen.
Easy pickings, the legal world would say. Low hanging fruit, as the bank would say.
CLARE COUNTY COUNCIL
It is understood from sources close to the eviction attempt that Clare County Council may have played a part in the lead up to the eviction attempt. It is alleged that Tommy had borrowed €76,000 to extend his tiny home, a home that he was born and raised in. Tommy’s mortgage came to the sum of €350 per month in repayments. A comfortable sum by most standards when one is working. However Tommy was let go from his job when the Celtic Tiger crashed. The building trade and the requirement for quarried goods dried up and crashed with it.
Technology and machinery eventually replaced flesh and blood.
It is alleged that Clare County Council sought and won a demolition order on the extension that Tommy had built as it was marginally over the size permitted by the council for an extension. Effectively this act left Tommy paying a mortgage for a useless pile of concrete blocks and timber.
BANK OF IRELAND
But what happened next goes beyond belief. It is alleged that Tommy went to the Bank of Ireland looking for a small mortgage and managed to obtain a new loan of €90,000, even though the bank were aware that Tommy was no longer in employment. Added to the original loan Tommy’s repayment doubled to over €640 per month even though his income from Social welfare payment were a total of €600 per month, meaning it was impossible for him to pay back the loan.
The well-known curse of the newly created indebted class reared its ugly head. Food or mortgage, mortgage or food?
THE APPEARANCE OF THE MEN IN BLACK
On the day of the attempted eviction, several men turned up at Tommy’s residence in order to evict him from his home. To add to the already threatening and menacing situation, these men were wearing balaclavas, tactically designed to hide their faces from the public glare and the waiting cameras. A glare that they would ultimately be subjected to anyway by a group of waiting anti eviction activists and justice campaigners from the southern arm of the Anti-Eviction Taskforce (AET) led by formidable Kerry man, Brian McCarthy.
In what appeared to be a new development in the realms of evictions, at least of the men clearly wore Defence Forces issue boots, boots that gave away the nature of the individual’s other day job and most probably worn the day before on the parade ground. Allegations of involvement by members of the Defence Forces in the attempted eviction are now under investigation by the military authorities after a complaint was made to Army HQ in Dublin.
Added to this dangerous precedent of using members of the countries security services, the name of one of the largest security companies in the country also comes under scrutiny for its involvement in the attempted eviction. G4S are alleged to have been the main security company tasked with taking vacant possession. G4S had instructed a local locksmith to interfere with the locks several days prior to the attempted eviction.
According to Brian McCarthy of the AET, several members of the “security team” turned up unannounced on the Wednesday 18th of May after ascertaining that Tommy was out of the house and subsequently illegally broke into the property and changing the locks in the process.
Meanwhile, Liam Kitt, who according to sources is a brother of former Fianna Fail TD Michael Kitt, also attended the illegal entry, under the guise of Court Messenger, allegedly to oversee the handy work of the security company. Witnesses stated that none of these individuals were armed with any form of official court paperwork or supporting legal documentation in order to qualify an eviction or commit trespass on what is still private property.
Mr Kitt, an ex-ACC bank employee was appointed to the position of Court Messenger after his retirement from the bank. While there is no suggestion that this appointment was politically motivated, it does raise questions about an individual who was previously involved in mortgage lending; now being employed by the courts to evict some of those same homeowners who had borrowed from his previous employers.
Concerned neighbours and members of the Anti-Eviction Taskforce ejected the individuals involved from the property and changed the locks shortly afterwards.
THE LIMERICK CITY FOOTBALL CLUB CONNECTION
The real cause for concern however was the ominous appearance of the now infamous men in black led by a bearded gentleman who purporting to be some sort of court official, however as subsequent investigations would show that this alleged “Court Messenger” was a retired member of An Garda Siochana and a Limerick City Football Club employee who runs event security for the club.
After investigation it was ascertained that the man appearing to lead the “security team” was ex-detective sergeant Mick Murphy from Limerick.
Questions do remain to be answered around this controversial figure. Questions such as; who actually employs ex-detective sergeant Mick Murphy and what was the reason for his presence on the day? Does ex-detective sergeant Murphy work for the security company G4S as it is known that they were the primary security contractor for this eviction attempt or was he employed by the Under - Sherriff or the Courts Service or none of the above?
One bystander who attended the eviction quipped. “Being an ex-member apparently still has its benefits, it seems”. Questions addressed to the Courts Service about Murphy’s role on the day went unanswered. Other members of the security team are alleged to also work under Murphy acting as security men for Limerick City Football Club football matches and other events.
The sight of several members of An Garda Siochana appearing to be backing up the men in black only served to heighten the tension and especially so when two of these balaclava clad individuals were seen jumping into the back of a Garda squad car as it eventually sped from the scene, leading to speculation among the bystanders that these two individuals were more than just bailiffs’.
According to eyewitness accounts, one of these individuals wearing a blue jacket also appeared to be wearing Garda issue surveillance equipment. Therefore the question that naturally needs to be asked is; were at least one of these men serving members of An Garda Siochana who caught moonlighting as hired muscle for the banks?
It was noted that one member of the Garda escort attempted to make a solo entry into the house but was made aware of his actions and the consequences of doing so by a member of the AET. The Garda then moved away from the house followed closely by a number of activists.
In a lighter moment, a quick witted activist at the scene was very fast to point out the irony of our national police force and men in balaclavas working together, as he hadn't seen such co-operation between the two since the troubles!
NO PAPERWORK, NO EVICTION
Turning up to serve an eviction order with an unsigned warrant, four months out of date might have worked on vulnerable Tommy Collins but certainly was not going to work on this day due to the eagle eyes of the Anti-Eviction team, who eventually sent the retired detective sergeant, his men in black and the Garda escort packing. According to Brian McCarthy of the AET, “nobody in the courts service wanted to sign the eviction order and that is why it was four months out of date and to try and serve an invalid eviction warrant smacks of sheer desperation on somebody’s part “.
According to video recording posted on social media, of a heated conversation between several activists and one of the Gardaí seen in the video telling them that he was only here to enforce the warrant and that he was only given one duty to deal with, which was to effectively enforce an invalid or non-existent warrant as was the case. Activists at the scene stated that the bank, solicitors and Courts Service, should be both charged with wasting precious Garda resources.
McCarthy also stated, “That we believe that only education will bring down the corrupt system and that we will not be engaging in violence, as violence only serves the corrupt system’s purpose”.
THE MYSTERIOUS BLACK BMW
Eyewitnesses pointed out that registration plates on a BMW owned by one of the security men had been taped over using silver Gaffer tape, while the tax, NCT and insurance disks were removed by the owner of the 5 series BMW with the apparent blessing of the escorting Gardaí. It is claimed that the Garda seen talking in the video openly stated that he was there to enforce the eviction warrant and was refusing to deal with any other matters such as non-display of tax, insurance and NCT or the covering up of the registration plate with gaffer tape when a complaint was made by several bystanders as to the illegality of the act.
Activists have stated that they will be making a complaint to GSOC and other relevant authorities regarding the refusal of the Garda to prosecute the owner of the BMW.
THE POLITICAL TAKE ON EVICTIONS
Politicians in the meantime sit on the fence, afraid to be seen to support the stricken homeowners but even more afraid to buck the system and upset the banks or their party leader. When a political system allows a reign of terror by the banks and the courts to continue unhindered, it begs the question… What government minister is going to setup a NAMA for the man in the street and where is the political will to bail out the little man and woman?
Why did the new Independent minister’s in government not add this to their agenda in helping to form a new government? Are one hundred thousand families and their homes not more important than the formation of a government that continues to please the banking fraternity?
On the other side of the coin, it gets tiresome blaming the banks because we know how culpable that they were in this entire sham or maybe we should call it as it is. A big bloody scam!
However, it should never get tiresome blaming the politicians because they work for us all, or do they?
Does money handed under the table in large brown envelopes and promises of big payoffs of one sort or another still play a part in modern day politics to such an extent that the banks and corporations give all the orders and the politicians do all the bowing and scraping?
What drives a politician to sell his or her services to the highest bidder? I think we already know the answer to that one!
In the interim, direct intervention and immediate action is required by the government. Banks and developers have had their turn and now it’s the turn of the homeowners for a peoples NAMA.
Without the vulture funds, I might add!
Co-archived Liam Deegan
The closure of two emergency homeless services
Today came with the news that two emergency accommodation services for homeless households in Dublin are set to close within the next two weeks. As reported by Kitty Holland, these closures could result in over 140 people returning to rough sleeping on the city’s streets. John’s Lane West is a 42 bed emergency accommodation facility operated by Focus Ireland and the Peter McVerry Trust (PMVT) and Brú Aimsir is a 100 bed emergency accommodation facility operated by Crosscare. Both services are commissioned, funded and coordinated by Dublin City Council (DCC) as the lead local authority on homelessness in Dublin.
Brú Aimsir was opened as part of the Cold Weather Initiative for 2015/16 and has been in operation since November 2015. While the Cold Weather Initiative has been going for a number of years, political pressure was ramped up last year following the death Jonathan Corrie in December 2014.
John’s Lane West has been in operation as part of the Cold Weather Initiative of 2014/15 to provide additional emergency accommodation, though it was originally intended to be a temporary measure.
The 42-bed John’s Lane West facility now needs to close due to planning permission obtained by Focus Ireland to build 32 social housing units on the site running out in December 2016. A planned exit strategy for the users of this facility is being led by the Dublin Region Homeless Executive (DHRE), PMVT and Focus Ireland.
The decision to close Brú Aimsir, however, rests with the Chief Executive and Board members of the Digital Hub, who own the premises in which the emergency accommodation is located. The service was due to close in April. But with the homeless crisis showing no signs of abating, DCC were hoping that they could negotiate the retention of the use of the building over a longer period. In spite of appeals made by the DHRE to retain the use of the building, the Digital Hub has chosen not to renew the lease. Moreover, it appears that they have done so without any new use planned.
Brú Aimsir will disappear and be replaced by a vacant space.
The alarming rise in homelessness over recent years has been well documented. It is particularly acute in Dublin. Data from the DHRE confirmed that 5,480 adults accessed homeless accommodation in 2015. Of these, nearly four out of ten adults were new to homelessness. During the reference week of 21 to 27 March 2016, a total of 2,750 adults were accommodated in homeless services in Dublin (1,510 men and 1,240 women).
As the DRHE and other activist groups have detailed, this has entailed new types of family homelessness. Many of these new homeless are the result of economic evictions from an increasingly expensive private rental market. Given the dearth of market provision and options for alternatives, growing numbers are being accommodated by DCC in commercial hotels in lieu of access to formally commissioned emergency accommodation facilities from non-profit organisations.
For that reference week in March, 598 families (comprising 810 adults and 1,242 children) were residing in commercial hotels in Dublin. A total of 839 families (comprising 1,132 adults and 1,723 dependent children) were accommodated in in privately owned emergency accommodation.
In total, 4,473 persons (2,750 adults and 1,723 child dependents) were residing in all forms of homeless services in Dublin in March 2016. And of these, over 45 percent were residing in commercial hotels.
This is a hugely expensive form of emergency accommodation provision. From a total expenditure outturn by DCC of over €70M on homeless services in Dublin in 2015 over €16M was spent on commercial hotels alone. This cost can be expected to double to over €30M in 2016. Apart from this cost being unsustainable, commercial hotel use is considered an unsuitable and inappropriate form of provision. It is occurring, according to DCC, in order to prevent any homeless family from having to sleep rough.
Brú Aimsir
In late March I paid a visit to Brú Aimsir along with a colleague from Maynooth University. We wanted to learn about the policy measures being put in place to deal with the escalating crisis of homelessness in the city. But we were also interested in this particular initiative in as an innovative reuse of one of the city’s many vacant spaces.
In April 2015, Dublin City Council estimated a total of 61 hectares of vacant or derelict space within its boundaries. In the period since the crash a range of policy and bottom-up actions have been rolled out that seek to implement innovative strategies to activate and reuse vacant spaces for new purposes. Prominent examples like Granby Park have been mobilised to promote Dublin as a vibrant and creative city.
Brú Aimsir has been a more low-key intervention than some other examples of the reuse of derelict space – advertising the city’s homelessness crisis doesn’t really fit well with an entrepreneurial agenda. Yet, in its operation it offers an excellent example of an innovative and socially beneficial use of urban vacant space. Dublin City Council have spent over €1 million on rehabilitating a vacant warehouse into a bright, safe, and comfortable space for 100 of the city’s most vulnerable inhabitants.
We visited Brú Aimsir at about 7pm on a Tuesday, just as the service was about to open. The evening was warm and the atmosphere was relaxed as residents, patiently waiting to enter, chatted in small groups outside.
The emergency accommodation facility is used by single adult individuals rather than families, and caters for those at risk of rough sleeping. In contrast to new family homelessness, this cohort might be viewed as representative of more ‘traditional’ homeless populations.
Those waiting to enter that evening were diverse in age, nationality and gender. Anonymous men and women with backpacks who might be seen traversing the city throughout the day. They could be students, office workers, or service staff coming to and from work. They too are the hidden homeless, the casualties of an increasingly vicious housing system hiding in plain sight. And it is to places like Brú Aimsir that they come in the evening for some respite.
The on-street entrance belies the large space behind. It comprises a locker area (where residents can deposit personal belongings and valuables) a large, bright open communal space (which is colourfully decorated and pleasantly furnished with seating areas and a counter serving hot food), toilets, showers, and male and female sleeping areas.
The emergency accommodation facility has 60 male beds and 40 female beds. These are split into different sections, with female residents upstairs and male residents in two corridors off the communal space, and comprise of 3-bed or 2-bed rooms.
The staff members on duty told us that residents are encouraged to view it as their own space. They are responsible for keeping the own rooms, common areas, toilets and showers clean and tidy. As food is served throughout the evening, residents have more autonomy as to how they structure their time. As we sat in the communal area, they came and went at an easy pace, with some going to their rooms to rest for a while, coming back later to eat or talk to other residents and staff.
The service has a policy of booking residents in for a minimum of 7 nights, which also provides an opportunity for more substantive forms of intervention. In this regard too Brú Aimsir has proved extremely successful, in that higher numbers of residents have moved on to more stable accommodation than in other forms of emergency accommodation. One of the duty managers, who has worked in homeless services for many years, and by his own account in almost every hostel in the city, told us that this is by far his most positive experience working in homeless services.
The few hours we spent there were quit, calm, and devoid of any sign of tension. Created out of nothing but a void in the urban fabric, both the space and the model appear to be a success story in a dismal situation.
The triumph of the vacant city
Why then is Brú Aimsir being closed down? There seems to be no sensible answer to this. The Digital Hub does not appear to have a new use planned for the site. And given the substantial money already invested in converting the space, combined with the success of the venture and the fact that the crisis of homelessness has gotten worse rather than better, would it not be the sensible and ethical policy to keep the service running for as long as it is feasible?
It is true that 100 rough sleepers is a drop in the ocean in the context of the current crisis. But we must also think of the closure of Brú Aimsir in relation to the loss of all it encompasses in terms of treatment and long-term solutions. It is the loss of this potential, albeit insufficient in itself, to seek more fundamental solutions or forms of redress.
Such decisions are indicative of a wider system, of an overall policy response to homelessness that is at best insufficient and at worst downright callous.
The closure of Brú Aimsir is the triumph of the vacant city. It is the triumph of a vision of the city that privileges an economic elite over the needs of the people, that keeps urban space out of social use and waits blithely for economic investment while multiple crises stack up.
It is in the accretion of decisions like this that the crisis is compounded. Every little decision not to act, to do too little, and to privilege some vague economic imperative over the humanitarian crisis is not only kicking the can down the road but also intensifying and exacerbating problems of urban inequality that may even now be already out of control.
The decision of the Board of the Digital Hub suggests how those in power, despite public rhetoric and promises, turn their backs on Dublin’s crisis for no other reason than no longer wanting it to be their problem.
In exchange for turning 100 people out on to the street, and closing a space carefully rehabilitated to meet their very pressing needs, Dublin will get back one more vacant warehouse. Is this enough in return for all that will be lost?
Today came with the news that two emergency accommodation services for homeless households in Dublin are set to close within the next two weeks. As reported by Kitty Holland, these closures could result in over 140 people returning to rough sleeping on the city’s streets. John’s Lane West is a 42 bed emergency accommodation facility operated by Focus Ireland and the Peter McVerry Trust (PMVT) and Brú Aimsir is a 100 bed emergency accommodation facility operated by Crosscare. Both services are commissioned, funded and coordinated by Dublin City Council (DCC) as the lead local authority on homelessness in Dublin.
Brú Aimsir was opened as part of the Cold Weather Initiative for 2015/16 and has been in operation since November 2015. While the Cold Weather Initiative has been going for a number of years, political pressure was ramped up last year following the death Jonathan Corrie in December 2014.
John’s Lane West has been in operation as part of the Cold Weather Initiative of 2014/15 to provide additional emergency accommodation, though it was originally intended to be a temporary measure.
The 42-bed John’s Lane West facility now needs to close due to planning permission obtained by Focus Ireland to build 32 social housing units on the site running out in December 2016. A planned exit strategy for the users of this facility is being led by the Dublin Region Homeless Executive (DHRE), PMVT and Focus Ireland.
The decision to close Brú Aimsir, however, rests with the Chief Executive and Board members of the Digital Hub, who own the premises in which the emergency accommodation is located. The service was due to close in April. But with the homeless crisis showing no signs of abating, DCC were hoping that they could negotiate the retention of the use of the building over a longer period. In spite of appeals made by the DHRE to retain the use of the building, the Digital Hub has chosen not to renew the lease. Moreover, it appears that they have done so without any new use planned.
Brú Aimsir will disappear and be replaced by a vacant space.
The alarming rise in homelessness over recent years has been well documented. It is particularly acute in Dublin. Data from the DHRE confirmed that 5,480 adults accessed homeless accommodation in 2015. Of these, nearly four out of ten adults were new to homelessness. During the reference week of 21 to 27 March 2016, a total of 2,750 adults were accommodated in homeless services in Dublin (1,510 men and 1,240 women).
As the DRHE and other activist groups have detailed, this has entailed new types of family homelessness. Many of these new homeless are the result of economic evictions from an increasingly expensive private rental market. Given the dearth of market provision and options for alternatives, growing numbers are being accommodated by DCC in commercial hotels in lieu of access to formally commissioned emergency accommodation facilities from non-profit organisations.
For that reference week in March, 598 families (comprising 810 adults and 1,242 children) were residing in commercial hotels in Dublin. A total of 839 families (comprising 1,132 adults and 1,723 dependent children) were accommodated in in privately owned emergency accommodation.
In total, 4,473 persons (2,750 adults and 1,723 child dependents) were residing in all forms of homeless services in Dublin in March 2016. And of these, over 45 percent were residing in commercial hotels.
This is a hugely expensive form of emergency accommodation provision. From a total expenditure outturn by DCC of over €70M on homeless services in Dublin in 2015 over €16M was spent on commercial hotels alone. This cost can be expected to double to over €30M in 2016. Apart from this cost being unsustainable, commercial hotel use is considered an unsuitable and inappropriate form of provision. It is occurring, according to DCC, in order to prevent any homeless family from having to sleep rough.
Brú Aimsir
In late March I paid a visit to Brú Aimsir along with a colleague from Maynooth University. We wanted to learn about the policy measures being put in place to deal with the escalating crisis of homelessness in the city. But we were also interested in this particular initiative in as an innovative reuse of one of the city’s many vacant spaces.
In April 2015, Dublin City Council estimated a total of 61 hectares of vacant or derelict space within its boundaries. In the period since the crash a range of policy and bottom-up actions have been rolled out that seek to implement innovative strategies to activate and reuse vacant spaces for new purposes. Prominent examples like Granby Park have been mobilised to promote Dublin as a vibrant and creative city.
Brú Aimsir has been a more low-key intervention than some other examples of the reuse of derelict space – advertising the city’s homelessness crisis doesn’t really fit well with an entrepreneurial agenda. Yet, in its operation it offers an excellent example of an innovative and socially beneficial use of urban vacant space. Dublin City Council have spent over €1 million on rehabilitating a vacant warehouse into a bright, safe, and comfortable space for 100 of the city’s most vulnerable inhabitants.
We visited Brú Aimsir at about 7pm on a Tuesday, just as the service was about to open. The evening was warm and the atmosphere was relaxed as residents, patiently waiting to enter, chatted in small groups outside.
The emergency accommodation facility is used by single adult individuals rather than families, and caters for those at risk of rough sleeping. In contrast to new family homelessness, this cohort might be viewed as representative of more ‘traditional’ homeless populations.
Those waiting to enter that evening were diverse in age, nationality and gender. Anonymous men and women with backpacks who might be seen traversing the city throughout the day. They could be students, office workers, or service staff coming to and from work. They too are the hidden homeless, the casualties of an increasingly vicious housing system hiding in plain sight. And it is to places like Brú Aimsir that they come in the evening for some respite.
The on-street entrance belies the large space behind. It comprises a locker area (where residents can deposit personal belongings and valuables) a large, bright open communal space (which is colourfully decorated and pleasantly furnished with seating areas and a counter serving hot food), toilets, showers, and male and female sleeping areas.
The emergency accommodation facility has 60 male beds and 40 female beds. These are split into different sections, with female residents upstairs and male residents in two corridors off the communal space, and comprise of 3-bed or 2-bed rooms.
The staff members on duty told us that residents are encouraged to view it as their own space. They are responsible for keeping the own rooms, common areas, toilets and showers clean and tidy. As food is served throughout the evening, residents have more autonomy as to how they structure their time. As we sat in the communal area, they came and went at an easy pace, with some going to their rooms to rest for a while, coming back later to eat or talk to other residents and staff.
The service has a policy of booking residents in for a minimum of 7 nights, which also provides an opportunity for more substantive forms of intervention. In this regard too Brú Aimsir has proved extremely successful, in that higher numbers of residents have moved on to more stable accommodation than in other forms of emergency accommodation. One of the duty managers, who has worked in homeless services for many years, and by his own account in almost every hostel in the city, told us that this is by far his most positive experience working in homeless services.
The few hours we spent there were quit, calm, and devoid of any sign of tension. Created out of nothing but a void in the urban fabric, both the space and the model appear to be a success story in a dismal situation.
The triumph of the vacant city
Why then is Brú Aimsir being closed down? There seems to be no sensible answer to this. The Digital Hub does not appear to have a new use planned for the site. And given the substantial money already invested in converting the space, combined with the success of the venture and the fact that the crisis of homelessness has gotten worse rather than better, would it not be the sensible and ethical policy to keep the service running for as long as it is feasible?
It is true that 100 rough sleepers is a drop in the ocean in the context of the current crisis. But we must also think of the closure of Brú Aimsir in relation to the loss of all it encompasses in terms of treatment and long-term solutions. It is the loss of this potential, albeit insufficient in itself, to seek more fundamental solutions or forms of redress.
Such decisions are indicative of a wider system, of an overall policy response to homelessness that is at best insufficient and at worst downright callous.
The closure of Brú Aimsir is the triumph of the vacant city. It is the triumph of a vision of the city that privileges an economic elite over the needs of the people, that keeps urban space out of social use and waits blithely for economic investment while multiple crises stack up.
It is in the accretion of decisions like this that the crisis is compounded. Every little decision not to act, to do too little, and to privilege some vague economic imperative over the humanitarian crisis is not only kicking the can down the road but also intensifying and exacerbating problems of urban inequality that may even now be already out of control.
The decision of the Board of the Digital Hub suggests how those in power, despite public rhetoric and promises, turn their backs on Dublin’s crisis for no other reason than no longer wanting it to be their problem.
In exchange for turning 100 people out on to the street, and closing a space carefully rehabilitated to meet their very pressing needs, Dublin will get back one more vacant warehouse. Is this enough in return for all that will be lost?
Co-archived Cian O’Callaghan
Hi, Im Louise. I moved into a shared apartment in May last year. The person I was sharing with decided to go travelling; I could not afford to stay in the apartment. I started looking for somewhere on my own in October 2015. Up until now I have been unable to find somewhere affordable&suitable to rent. I informed the relevant agencies of this situation in October 2015; eight weeks before I had to leave my apartment. I asked to be nominated for community housing in both city and council and I was not nominated as there is or has not been any community housing made available since I became homeless on 5th December 2015.This is the latest information that I have from Galway City Council from the 16th February 2016.
You are qualified for social housing support for the Westside of the City since 27/12/12 and An Spideal & Clifden since 19/11/15. You are approved on the 1&2 bedroom list . Please note these figures are subject to change due to change in circumstances of applicants on the housing waiting list e.g. family size, areas of choice, etc. Hindsight is a wonderful thing, I was offered a home in 2008/2009 in Clifden by the Clifden Mental Health association/Elm Tree centre Clifden and I did not take it as I wanted to get back to Galway city to continue my career and get back to work. I went back to work in May 2009 and was made redundant in June 2012.I really need to get a home of my own.Myhealth has continued to decline recently. Being homeless has made it worse.
I really would like a home of my own, OF ANY KIND sooner rather than later be it private rented or ANY scheme. I don’t care if it is city or county, I will take ANYTHING to get me out of this situation. I am receiving counselling and have signed an agreement to say that I will not self-harm or commit suicide whilst in counselling. The whole reason I want to stay in the city is because of my mental health recovery because of my breakdown in 2008, all my supports are in the city area and the course I am doing is of great recovery to me, it looks like I may now have to give up my course because of my housing difficulties which is not what I would like.
All the quotes below can be verified, they are not made up.”She is on prescribed medication which she is compliant with and attends our outpatient department on a regular basis. … give due consideration to the above information in relation to her housing needs”
“I feel that if Louise was made homeless it would be detrimental to her mental health and it would be very serious. I feel Louise’s problems would only be exacerbated by homelessness””She has long term psychological difficulties which have been recently exacerbated by her instability of accommodation. I believe that stable accommodation would contribute to a significant recovery in this lady””I would be very concerned for Louise’s mental health and her physical well being.””The Taoiseach appreciates that the situation you describe is very difficult for you. He is extremely conscious of the shortage of suitable housing and wants you to know that the government is working as hard as possible to make sure we improve housing both in terms of quantity and quality. I can understand that this doesn’t resolve your immediate problem but as you can understand it is not possible for the Taoiseach to allocate you a house as the authority for allocation of social housing rests with the local authorities.”
The sooner I get the funds the sooner I can move into a new home that will accept the housing assistance payment. Housing assistance payment.
I’m 129 days homeless. (11th April). I am currently residing in Osterley Lodge. I have been here since the 5th December 2015.
I am trying to raise enough money for a deposit and first months rent, he reason why I chose €1,400 is because it is about €700 for a one bed apartment in the city at the moment.
You are qualified for social housing support for the Westside of the City since 27/12/12 and An Spideal & Clifden since 19/11/15. You are approved on the 1&2 bedroom list . Please note these figures are subject to change due to change in circumstances of applicants on the housing waiting list e.g. family size, areas of choice, etc. Hindsight is a wonderful thing, I was offered a home in 2008/2009 in Clifden by the Clifden Mental Health association/Elm Tree centre Clifden and I did not take it as I wanted to get back to Galway city to continue my career and get back to work. I went back to work in May 2009 and was made redundant in June 2012.I really need to get a home of my own.Myhealth has continued to decline recently. Being homeless has made it worse.
I really would like a home of my own, OF ANY KIND sooner rather than later be it private rented or ANY scheme. I don’t care if it is city or county, I will take ANYTHING to get me out of this situation. I am receiving counselling and have signed an agreement to say that I will not self-harm or commit suicide whilst in counselling. The whole reason I want to stay in the city is because of my mental health recovery because of my breakdown in 2008, all my supports are in the city area and the course I am doing is of great recovery to me, it looks like I may now have to give up my course because of my housing difficulties which is not what I would like.
All the quotes below can be verified, they are not made up.”She is on prescribed medication which she is compliant with and attends our outpatient department on a regular basis. … give due consideration to the above information in relation to her housing needs”
“I feel that if Louise was made homeless it would be detrimental to her mental health and it would be very serious. I feel Louise’s problems would only be exacerbated by homelessness””She has long term psychological difficulties which have been recently exacerbated by her instability of accommodation. I believe that stable accommodation would contribute to a significant recovery in this lady””I would be very concerned for Louise’s mental health and her physical well being.””The Taoiseach appreciates that the situation you describe is very difficult for you. He is extremely conscious of the shortage of suitable housing and wants you to know that the government is working as hard as possible to make sure we improve housing both in terms of quantity and quality. I can understand that this doesn’t resolve your immediate problem but as you can understand it is not possible for the Taoiseach to allocate you a house as the authority for allocation of social housing rests with the local authorities.”
The sooner I get the funds the sooner I can move into a new home that will accept the housing assistance payment. Housing assistance payment.
I’m 129 days homeless. (11th April). I am currently residing in Osterley Lodge. I have been here since the 5th December 2015.
I am trying to raise enough money for a deposit and first months rent, he reason why I chose €1,400 is because it is about €700 for a one bed apartment in the city at the moment.
Co-archived Make My Homelessness History
There’s been a con going on in our Circuit Courts for the last few years. It’s a con that the courts, the legal profession and the banks have all been in on together and the veracity of the claim that it has been a con emerged today from the High Courts and a ruling by Ms. Justice Murphy.
Over the years, in an effort at putting efficiency before the rules of the court, the banks have been applying to the Circuit Courts for possession Orders on family homes. The Circuit Court rules are clear that only matters involving less than €75,000 can be heard in the Circuit Court. Now we know most houses are still worth more than €75,000 and to circumvent the rule the banks have, with the complicity of court Registrar’s and the legal industry, been allowing family home possession applications into the Circuit Courts claiming that the rateable value of the property is within the rules as, they claim, the rateable value of the property is under €253 odd. Today’s ruling by Ms. Justice Murphy simply blows the rateable value argument out of the water.
A home does not have a rateable value and has not had a rateable value since the early 1970s. Activists have been arguing this around the country but their arguments have been falling on deaf ears until now. Today in the High Court a jubilant appellant, appealing an Order of Possession on her home from the Circuit Court, and with the advice, support and backing of the Hub-Ireland, broke the mould. In her judgement Ms. Justice Murphy said “The Plaintiff maintained that it had invoked and was entitled to the provisions of the valuation act and a letter issued by the Valuations office was sufficient: both these assertions are manifestly unfounded on the evidence…….it appears to the Court on Evidence that the Plaintiff have devised and used an ad hoc non-statutory process which is devoid of legal effect, for the purpose of persuading the Circuit Court that it has jurisdiction which it does not in fact enjoy”.
So what are the implications of today’s ruling? Firstly, we can expect that banks will be left with no choice but to withdraw their current applications in the Circuit Courts for possession of family homes. If you are in court over the next while demand a strike out. If an Order has been made on your home, it can be considered null and void and as having never existed. Contact your local Sheriff over the next few days and ask what the ruling means for you, meanwhile the various anti-eviction groups around the country will be forwarding the judgement to all Registrar’s and Sheriff’s and requesting their current position in light of the ruling.
We in the National Land League and other groups are not naïve however and we know that it will be the impulse and attitude of the banks, their legal partners and indeed the courts to press on regardless. We must not allow this to happen and the ruling by Ms. Justice Murphy must be enforced primarily by all of the lay-litigants across the country that up until now have been trampled upon.
On a final note, if you are made aware of any attempts to circumvent this ruling within the courts please contact the National Land League, the Hub-Ireland and other groups to let us know. We expect arguments to be made by “the other side” that they are using the Poor Law Valuation (Griffith’s valuation) to enter the Circuit Court. This has been tried before. The PLV was deemed unconstitutional by the High Court in 1981 and this was upheld on Appeal to the Supreme Court. Once more, congratulations to The Hub-Ireland on a ground-shaking result today.
Over the years, in an effort at putting efficiency before the rules of the court, the banks have been applying to the Circuit Courts for possession Orders on family homes. The Circuit Court rules are clear that only matters involving less than €75,000 can be heard in the Circuit Court. Now we know most houses are still worth more than €75,000 and to circumvent the rule the banks have, with the complicity of court Registrar’s and the legal industry, been allowing family home possession applications into the Circuit Courts claiming that the rateable value of the property is within the rules as, they claim, the rateable value of the property is under €253 odd. Today’s ruling by Ms. Justice Murphy simply blows the rateable value argument out of the water.
A home does not have a rateable value and has not had a rateable value since the early 1970s. Activists have been arguing this around the country but their arguments have been falling on deaf ears until now. Today in the High Court a jubilant appellant, appealing an Order of Possession on her home from the Circuit Court, and with the advice, support and backing of the Hub-Ireland, broke the mould. In her judgement Ms. Justice Murphy said “The Plaintiff maintained that it had invoked and was entitled to the provisions of the valuation act and a letter issued by the Valuations office was sufficient: both these assertions are manifestly unfounded on the evidence…….it appears to the Court on Evidence that the Plaintiff have devised and used an ad hoc non-statutory process which is devoid of legal effect, for the purpose of persuading the Circuit Court that it has jurisdiction which it does not in fact enjoy”.
So what are the implications of today’s ruling? Firstly, we can expect that banks will be left with no choice but to withdraw their current applications in the Circuit Courts for possession of family homes. If you are in court over the next while demand a strike out. If an Order has been made on your home, it can be considered null and void and as having never existed. Contact your local Sheriff over the next few days and ask what the ruling means for you, meanwhile the various anti-eviction groups around the country will be forwarding the judgement to all Registrar’s and Sheriff’s and requesting their current position in light of the ruling.
We in the National Land League and other groups are not naïve however and we know that it will be the impulse and attitude of the banks, their legal partners and indeed the courts to press on regardless. We must not allow this to happen and the ruling by Ms. Justice Murphy must be enforced primarily by all of the lay-litigants across the country that up until now have been trampled upon.
On a final note, if you are made aware of any attempts to circumvent this ruling within the courts please contact the National Land League, the Hub-Ireland and other groups to let us know. We expect arguments to be made by “the other side” that they are using the Poor Law Valuation (Griffith’s valuation) to enter the Circuit Court. This has been tried before. The PLV was deemed unconstitutional by the High Court in 1981 and this was upheld on Appeal to the Supreme Court. Once more, congratulations to The Hub-Ireland on a ground-shaking result today.
Co-archived Finbar Markey
I'm in the court's next week. My wife doesn't know or my chrildren /grand too..I'm like many mortgage holders thrown to vulture funds and want to pay..I sleep Saturday and Sunday's only ..and can time the post man any day off the week from letter boxes from cul de sac from other estates or even the bark of neighbours dogs. .I drink at night when I know my family are all asleep and warm. ..they don't know. .but I hate alcohol but for some reason it stops the taughts of taking my own life as in I contradict myself not to do it ....crazy but it tells me dont leave it all behind for the government that sold us out ..but look I followed ken smollen and all others and the hub Ireland. ..love u all ..if I am not around one day please fight for my family. ..don't let the wind blow the candle out
Co-archived Ken Smollen
Emily is nine years old. She will soon have spent a full year of her young life living in a hotel. She is one of almost 2000 children across the state who will sleep in emergency accommodation tonight. It will cost €36,000 to keep Emily and her mother in that hotel for 12 months. €100 for every night they spend cooped up in a small room, living out of suitcases.
Emily’s mother is unable to cook for her daughter. Emily has to do her homework stretched out on a hotel bed. When she is done she can’t go out to play, the corridors are off limits on health and safety grounds. Her mother is left feeling ashamed. She thinks that she is letting her daughter down. Emily is confused, tired and sad. Elsewhere in the hotel, staff and guests are asking why it is taking so long to form a government. Surely after 50 days a deal can be done.
Back in her small room Emily asks her mother why it is taking so long to get a home. Surely after 270 nights a house can be found.
But Emily’s mother can’t find a landlord that will accept the Housing Assistance Payment. The Council has no houses, there are 20,000 families on the list and the wait is 10 years long. So every morning Emily’s mother leaves the hotel, drops her daughter to school, travels to work, collects her daughter from school and returns to that small cramped hotel room.
She is exhausted, at her wits end, wondering if she will ever be housed.
It should be a national scandal that so many children are living like Emily. Tragically it is becoming normalised.
Next week it is likely that a new Fine Gael minority government will be formed. The indications are that that government will include a new stand alone Department and Minister for Housing. On taking office the new Minister should take a moment and reflect on Emily’s story. The conditions of her daily life are not just a scandal, they are a screaming alarm bell telling us all that our housing system is broken. The growing number of homeless families is not some quirk of the housing market. It is the direct result of decades of failed housing policy pursued by successive governments.
Homeless service providers have been shouting this fact for years. They have been warning that a failure by the state to invest in large scale social housing by local authorities would result in a social emergency.
Previous Ministers refused to listen. A failing policy consensus prevailed. As a result Emily and hundreds of other homeless children are paying the price. The social emergency that was warned of is all around us.
The new Minister for Housing has a very simply choice. Will she continue on the well worn path of her predecessors or will she accept that the system in broken and fundamental policy change is needed.
If she is open to change then I would respectfully suggest the following steps.
Step 1: Declare a State of Emergency. If we don’t admit the scale of the problem then how can we hope to solve it.
Step 2: Tear up everything in Alan Kelly’s Social Housing Strategy 2020 except the multi annual housing targets. A social housing plan that depends on the private sector to deliver 80% of its 100,000 units is doomed to fail.
Step 3: Double capital investment in local authority and housing association social housing. Use whatever is the most efficient funding source – revenue, borrowing, SPVs. If necessary negotiate an exemption for social housing investment from EU spending rules with the European Commission for the duration of the emergency.
Step 4: Prioritise the immediate purchase of properties to meet housing targets in year one. Use Compulsory Purchase Orders if necessary to get vacant units back into stock or keep housing list rental tenants in rental properties that are being repossessed by banks or sold onto vulture funds.
Step 5: Apply the same fast track procurement process for standard social housing as that used for the Ballymun rapid build houses. This would cut project times by up to a quarter bringing on new build units within 12 months rather than two years plus at present.
Step 6: Introduce emergency legislation to give tenants in private rental properties greater protections when the properties are repossessed or sold to vulture funds.
Step 7: Amend the Mortgage to Rent Scheme to make it a more attractive option for both lenders and housing bodies and apply greater pressure to banks, backed up with threats of legislation, to meet ambitious targets.
Step 8: Amend the Housing Assistance Scheme to allow recipients to remain on the Councils primary housing list.
Step 9: Introduce rent certainty, linking rent increases and decreases to the Consumer Price Index and adjust rent supplement/housing assistance payment rates to current market rents.
There will be lots of people who will give the new Minister for Housing lots of reasons why any or all of these steps can’t be taken.
But before she allows her desire for change to be neutralised by those with a vested interested in the status quo the Minister should ask herself one question.
If Emily were her granddaughter would she not move heaven and earth to get her out of emergency accommodation and into a secure and appropriate home? Of course she would.
Emily is homeless because of political failure. The only thing the new Government and their Minister for Housing needs to help Emily is political will. Once you have that, moving heaven and earth is child’s play.
Emily’s mother is unable to cook for her daughter. Emily has to do her homework stretched out on a hotel bed. When she is done she can’t go out to play, the corridors are off limits on health and safety grounds. Her mother is left feeling ashamed. She thinks that she is letting her daughter down. Emily is confused, tired and sad. Elsewhere in the hotel, staff and guests are asking why it is taking so long to form a government. Surely after 50 days a deal can be done.
Back in her small room Emily asks her mother why it is taking so long to get a home. Surely after 270 nights a house can be found.
But Emily’s mother can’t find a landlord that will accept the Housing Assistance Payment. The Council has no houses, there are 20,000 families on the list and the wait is 10 years long. So every morning Emily’s mother leaves the hotel, drops her daughter to school, travels to work, collects her daughter from school and returns to that small cramped hotel room.
She is exhausted, at her wits end, wondering if she will ever be housed.
It should be a national scandal that so many children are living like Emily. Tragically it is becoming normalised.
Next week it is likely that a new Fine Gael minority government will be formed. The indications are that that government will include a new stand alone Department and Minister for Housing. On taking office the new Minister should take a moment and reflect on Emily’s story. The conditions of her daily life are not just a scandal, they are a screaming alarm bell telling us all that our housing system is broken. The growing number of homeless families is not some quirk of the housing market. It is the direct result of decades of failed housing policy pursued by successive governments.
Homeless service providers have been shouting this fact for years. They have been warning that a failure by the state to invest in large scale social housing by local authorities would result in a social emergency.
Previous Ministers refused to listen. A failing policy consensus prevailed. As a result Emily and hundreds of other homeless children are paying the price. The social emergency that was warned of is all around us.
The new Minister for Housing has a very simply choice. Will she continue on the well worn path of her predecessors or will she accept that the system in broken and fundamental policy change is needed.
If she is open to change then I would respectfully suggest the following steps.
Step 1: Declare a State of Emergency. If we don’t admit the scale of the problem then how can we hope to solve it.
Step 2: Tear up everything in Alan Kelly’s Social Housing Strategy 2020 except the multi annual housing targets. A social housing plan that depends on the private sector to deliver 80% of its 100,000 units is doomed to fail.
Step 3: Double capital investment in local authority and housing association social housing. Use whatever is the most efficient funding source – revenue, borrowing, SPVs. If necessary negotiate an exemption for social housing investment from EU spending rules with the European Commission for the duration of the emergency.
Step 4: Prioritise the immediate purchase of properties to meet housing targets in year one. Use Compulsory Purchase Orders if necessary to get vacant units back into stock or keep housing list rental tenants in rental properties that are being repossessed by banks or sold onto vulture funds.
Step 5: Apply the same fast track procurement process for standard social housing as that used for the Ballymun rapid build houses. This would cut project times by up to a quarter bringing on new build units within 12 months rather than two years plus at present.
Step 6: Introduce emergency legislation to give tenants in private rental properties greater protections when the properties are repossessed or sold to vulture funds.
Step 7: Amend the Mortgage to Rent Scheme to make it a more attractive option for both lenders and housing bodies and apply greater pressure to banks, backed up with threats of legislation, to meet ambitious targets.
Step 8: Amend the Housing Assistance Scheme to allow recipients to remain on the Councils primary housing list.
Step 9: Introduce rent certainty, linking rent increases and decreases to the Consumer Price Index and adjust rent supplement/housing assistance payment rates to current market rents.
There will be lots of people who will give the new Minister for Housing lots of reasons why any or all of these steps can’t be taken.
But before she allows her desire for change to be neutralised by those with a vested interested in the status quo the Minister should ask herself one question.
If Emily were her granddaughter would she not move heaven and earth to get her out of emergency accommodation and into a secure and appropriate home? Of course she would.
Emily is homeless because of political failure. The only thing the new Government and their Minister for Housing needs to help Emily is political will. Once you have that, moving heaven and earth is child’s play.
Co-archived Eoin O Broin
I am writing this post from Johns Lane West Emergency Accommodation Shelter, close to Thomas Street in Dublin. I am sitting with a LARGE cup of Peppermint tea and Quilla is laying asleep at my feet. I have just been informed by a couple of members of staff that the closure date had amended and we now have an extra week. Meaning that the hostel will now close on the 15th May, this is one less week of fighting for a bad, competing with other rough sleepers on the woefully inadequate freephone.
This is a minor relief for me and the other residents, whom are all urgently seeking alternative accommodation, no provisions have been made for the residents of the hostels that are closing. The staff here have been and remain exemplary. They treat you like a human being and with respect and dignity. I find it ludicrous that no planned wind down and provisions were put in place for the residents here and I wonder what would have happened if I hadn't opened my mouth on social media. It is my believe that DCC would have just let it slide and we would virtually all be back on the freephone, struggling to find a bed every night.
In Merchants Quay Ireland (Night Cafe) between 50 - 60 individuals sleep on the floor every night. This is Ireland in 2016 folks! Why in this day and age are there hundreds of empty houses and people sleeping in the streets. There should be outcry, but very few speak out about the homeless crisis.
I for one feel like "street furniture" where i have been there that long that I have become just part of the background noise that is the street, this is also a sign of how much "society" has broken down, everybody is so plugged into their phones and devices that they do not see what is around them, they are distracted by what shoes, shops are popular, what star gossip is happening, sport etc. I was listening to a group chatting in McDonalds earlier and realised that they were living in a completely different world.
Most days I stand outside Talbot Mall selling the Big Issue, many people have become desensitised to the issue of homelessness that whilst selling you are mainly ignored, when you ask someone "Big Issue Sir/Madam or Big Issue Folks" you are frequently ignored and it does feel like you are invisible. Folks courtesy costs nothing, you are not going to catch some terrible disease or "homelessness" from me just by saying "no thank you!" I am not contagious and am certainly not going to try and rob you, I understand your fear in some ways it means that you interact with something that makes you feel uncomfortable, it is not something you want to accept exists in this day and age.
Unfortunately homelessness does exist for a myriad of reasons some of which start with people or agencies, not listening or paying attention, or believing that someone else or another organisation will provide a solution (the Bystander effect). This is part how I find myself homeless. In some ways I have digressed off point, let me put it a different way if you saw a dog curled up in a doorway that was lonely, scared etc. would your natural instinct not be to help, so why do you shy away when it is a human being! If i had my way I would save up and buy a run down dwelling in the country (preferably) with a couple of acres, keep a few chickens, grow organic vegetables etc.
If we look at the ancient laws of this land if you owned land, and were not using it, another man could claim it (after going through several procedures, involving livestock, fences and sleeping on the land). Why is it that the government cannot compulsory purchase buildings that would otherwise go derelict and to ruin. They could then either put people in them with the skills to renovate the property, afterwards the person who renovated the property can buy it from them at a reduced rate and live in it.
Why do council properties sit empty for months, between one tenant moving out and the next tenant moving in. I understand the need for the council to check the property over before letting the new tenant move in to the residence. What I can't understand for the life of me, is why if a previous tenant haS improved a property (with a better kitchen, or bathroom suite) why the council then send in a building firm to rip out the previous occupiers improvements and replace the cupboards etc. with cheap low quality units. This takes a lot of time and is a waste of money, if it is for insurance purposes, show the prospective tenants the property as it is when the previous occupant left, and if they are happy to take it in its present condition, allow them (all that really need to be checked are electrical installations).
Feel free to share, I would rather DCC, Central Placement, Homeless Executive etc. read the opinions of some of the people whose lives are in turmoil and who will be back rough sleeping if alternatives cannot be allocated. I have not been surprised by the lacks a daisy response from some of the services and DCC should be a shame that some of the most vulnerable are expected to bear the brunt of the hostel closures and the woefully inadequate provisions (beds) allocated to the freephone. A system which itself is a disaster. More hostels and beds are needed urgently and a way to ensure that those needing beds have somewhere safe and clean to sleep. No one regardless of circumstances, should be left to sleep in the street.
This is a minor relief for me and the other residents, whom are all urgently seeking alternative accommodation, no provisions have been made for the residents of the hostels that are closing. The staff here have been and remain exemplary. They treat you like a human being and with respect and dignity. I find it ludicrous that no planned wind down and provisions were put in place for the residents here and I wonder what would have happened if I hadn't opened my mouth on social media. It is my believe that DCC would have just let it slide and we would virtually all be back on the freephone, struggling to find a bed every night.
In Merchants Quay Ireland (Night Cafe) between 50 - 60 individuals sleep on the floor every night. This is Ireland in 2016 folks! Why in this day and age are there hundreds of empty houses and people sleeping in the streets. There should be outcry, but very few speak out about the homeless crisis.
I for one feel like "street furniture" where i have been there that long that I have become just part of the background noise that is the street, this is also a sign of how much "society" has broken down, everybody is so plugged into their phones and devices that they do not see what is around them, they are distracted by what shoes, shops are popular, what star gossip is happening, sport etc. I was listening to a group chatting in McDonalds earlier and realised that they were living in a completely different world.
Most days I stand outside Talbot Mall selling the Big Issue, many people have become desensitised to the issue of homelessness that whilst selling you are mainly ignored, when you ask someone "Big Issue Sir/Madam or Big Issue Folks" you are frequently ignored and it does feel like you are invisible. Folks courtesy costs nothing, you are not going to catch some terrible disease or "homelessness" from me just by saying "no thank you!" I am not contagious and am certainly not going to try and rob you, I understand your fear in some ways it means that you interact with something that makes you feel uncomfortable, it is not something you want to accept exists in this day and age.
Unfortunately homelessness does exist for a myriad of reasons some of which start with people or agencies, not listening or paying attention, or believing that someone else or another organisation will provide a solution (the Bystander effect). This is part how I find myself homeless. In some ways I have digressed off point, let me put it a different way if you saw a dog curled up in a doorway that was lonely, scared etc. would your natural instinct not be to help, so why do you shy away when it is a human being! If i had my way I would save up and buy a run down dwelling in the country (preferably) with a couple of acres, keep a few chickens, grow organic vegetables etc.
If we look at the ancient laws of this land if you owned land, and were not using it, another man could claim it (after going through several procedures, involving livestock, fences and sleeping on the land). Why is it that the government cannot compulsory purchase buildings that would otherwise go derelict and to ruin. They could then either put people in them with the skills to renovate the property, afterwards the person who renovated the property can buy it from them at a reduced rate and live in it.
Why do council properties sit empty for months, between one tenant moving out and the next tenant moving in. I understand the need for the council to check the property over before letting the new tenant move in to the residence. What I can't understand for the life of me, is why if a previous tenant haS improved a property (with a better kitchen, or bathroom suite) why the council then send in a building firm to rip out the previous occupiers improvements and replace the cupboards etc. with cheap low quality units. This takes a lot of time and is a waste of money, if it is for insurance purposes, show the prospective tenants the property as it is when the previous occupant left, and if they are happy to take it in its present condition, allow them (all that really need to be checked are electrical installations).
Feel free to share, I would rather DCC, Central Placement, Homeless Executive etc. read the opinions of some of the people whose lives are in turmoil and who will be back rough sleeping if alternatives cannot be allocated. I have not been surprised by the lacks a daisy response from some of the services and DCC should be a shame that some of the most vulnerable are expected to bear the brunt of the hostel closures and the woefully inadequate provisions (beds) allocated to the freephone. A system which itself is a disaster. More hostels and beds are needed urgently and a way to ensure that those needing beds have somewhere safe and clean to sleep. No one regardless of circumstances, should be left to sleep in the street.
Co-archived Rosemary Amber Fearsaor-Hughes
Last night a homeless mother called me, asking if I knew any safe area around East wall where she could park her car for the night, No hotel room or emergency accommodation, no petrol to waste, Just a Ford Focus for her family, she went on to reveal to me what life is like being homeless.
By three am the car is cold, windows full of condensation, my six year old daughter needs a toilet, for us it’s a doubled up plastic bag, I hold it under her as she balances between the car and the path, rain falling on our heads as she relives herself, the stench of urine filling our car, I knot the bag and place it under the car joining the others, closing the door we huddle together to keep warm, teenagers bang on the roof, faces appear at the windows, torches of An Garda shine into our faces, by 5am the noise is too much as articulated trucks pass rocking us awake, our sink is a 5 litre bottle of water from Tesco’s held over a basin so I can wash my kids, cold milk and snacks for breakfast, I drop my eldest off to school, I’m happy she warm and safe, as I park around the corner looking at the faces of my babies, ashamed, humiliated, waiting to repeat the same day over again.
If you treated a Animal like this, you would be prosecuted, Our media would fill Our papers exposing those responsible, Our government would jump up on their soap boxes and Our church would ask where is Christianity, they ALL remain muted,. We this community of Ireland are showing the world how far we have come 1916-2016 as we allow mothers and children to be subjected to this inhuman suffering.
By three am the car is cold, windows full of condensation, my six year old daughter needs a toilet, for us it’s a doubled up plastic bag, I hold it under her as she balances between the car and the path, rain falling on our heads as she relives herself, the stench of urine filling our car, I knot the bag and place it under the car joining the others, closing the door we huddle together to keep warm, teenagers bang on the roof, faces appear at the windows, torches of An Garda shine into our faces, by 5am the noise is too much as articulated trucks pass rocking us awake, our sink is a 5 litre bottle of water from Tesco’s held over a basin so I can wash my kids, cold milk and snacks for breakfast, I drop my eldest off to school, I’m happy she warm and safe, as I park around the corner looking at the faces of my babies, ashamed, humiliated, waiting to repeat the same day over again.
If you treated a Animal like this, you would be prosecuted, Our media would fill Our papers exposing those responsible, Our government would jump up on their soap boxes and Our church would ask where is Christianity, they ALL remain muted,. We this community of Ireland are showing the world how far we have come 1916-2016 as we allow mothers and children to be subjected to this inhuman suffering.
Co-archived Tom Darcy
As some of you will know I have been staying in an " Emergency accommodation" hostel with my Assistance Dog since injuring my ankle a few weeks ago.
The residents of this hostel are mainly vulnerable woman which would otherwise be sleeping rough, and there are 43 beds here in total (of which more than half are occupied by women), I am in a private room due to my visual impairment and so that Quilla can rest without distractions (both staff and residents have been great with her, and she spends most of her time here out of harness and off duty). We were recently informed by DCC (Dublin Corporation) that this hostel will be closing with no explanation or reasoning. This is not a cold weather hostel like the Bru on Thomas Street. Several of the residents here (including myself) have asked DCC where they expect us to go. We have been given little to no/information other than the fact that the hostel will close on the 2nd of May and that residents are expected to attempt to locate alternative accommodation via the freephone.
For me this is more complicated than for some of the other residents as I have additional needs as I am visually impaired. The staff here in this hostel are great, they are friendly and try to help in whatever way they can. I have spoken with some of the other residents here and there has been open discussion about refusing to leave until Dublin City Council find appropriate alternative accommodation.
Most of the women here have nowhere to go and if you have every rung the freephone, you would know that you are left on hold for hours chasing a bed every single night and not knowing wether you are going to be sleeping in a doorway or might get a bed or the floor in Merchants Quay.
You ring the freephone everyday at 9am, then again at 14:30, then 16:00 often on hold for half an hour or more. If there are no beds when you ring back at 16:00 they tell you to ring back at 22:30. By this time you are exhausted, frustrated and thoroughly pissed off! (Not to mention have a dead battery on your phone). To add to the frustration the freephone will only deal with 1 person per phone call, so if you have been on hold for 40 minutes waiting for an answer and you finally get through to an operator, you try and locate a bed for yourself for the night and if you have a friend (whose phone battery has died, trying to contact the freephone) the operator you are speaking to will put the phone down instead of handling the call for your friend as well.
Also they re closing the hostel after the street count, (the count that happens of the number of people sleeping rough), they are deliberately closing the hostel after the street count so that they can skew the homeless figures. What they are doing is wrong, the people here want a bit of stability and consistency in their lives. We still spend 12 hours a days wandering the streets as this hostel is only open during the night but it is somewhere where we can feel safe and relax, it is wrong of DCC to take that from anybody.
I am not writing as well as I would normally as I am concerned that soon I will be back sleeping in the doorway of BT2 on Grafton Street. I am concerned about Quilla's welfare and the inevitable stress and difficulties that arise when sleeping rough. This room which I will attach photos of has become my escape from my the street, I know my way around here and am independent and can make hot drinks, and sandwiches etc.
It occurs to me that a stray animal has more rights than a homeless person. We do not choose to be homeless but there are 43 individuals and a dual purpose Assistance Dog about to be forced back onto the streets. In 2016 this is wrong, this is so backwards. DCC should be opening hostels not closing them. We want to know what they propose to do with us, and to provide us with some level of stable accommodation and safety. The staff here are great and I cannot fault them in anyway. The world needs more individuals like the staff here and they should be commended for the service they provide.
I am also aware that the Bru, (a cold weather hostel on Thomas Street) is due to close imminently with the loss of 102 beds, this means that when this hostel closes as well there will be an increased demand for the freephone as 145 more people will be looking (and in need of) for shelter. The freephone doesn't have enough spaces available at present, yet alone with the increase in demand. Many are still left without shelter, a place to stay or even somewhere to store their belongings or have a shower and relax and FEEL SAFE!
The residents of this hostel are mainly vulnerable woman which would otherwise be sleeping rough, and there are 43 beds here in total (of which more than half are occupied by women), I am in a private room due to my visual impairment and so that Quilla can rest without distractions (both staff and residents have been great with her, and she spends most of her time here out of harness and off duty). We were recently informed by DCC (Dublin Corporation) that this hostel will be closing with no explanation or reasoning. This is not a cold weather hostel like the Bru on Thomas Street. Several of the residents here (including myself) have asked DCC where they expect us to go. We have been given little to no/information other than the fact that the hostel will close on the 2nd of May and that residents are expected to attempt to locate alternative accommodation via the freephone.
For me this is more complicated than for some of the other residents as I have additional needs as I am visually impaired. The staff here in this hostel are great, they are friendly and try to help in whatever way they can. I have spoken with some of the other residents here and there has been open discussion about refusing to leave until Dublin City Council find appropriate alternative accommodation.
Most of the women here have nowhere to go and if you have every rung the freephone, you would know that you are left on hold for hours chasing a bed every single night and not knowing wether you are going to be sleeping in a doorway or might get a bed or the floor in Merchants Quay.
You ring the freephone everyday at 9am, then again at 14:30, then 16:00 often on hold for half an hour or more. If there are no beds when you ring back at 16:00 they tell you to ring back at 22:30. By this time you are exhausted, frustrated and thoroughly pissed off! (Not to mention have a dead battery on your phone). To add to the frustration the freephone will only deal with 1 person per phone call, so if you have been on hold for 40 minutes waiting for an answer and you finally get through to an operator, you try and locate a bed for yourself for the night and if you have a friend (whose phone battery has died, trying to contact the freephone) the operator you are speaking to will put the phone down instead of handling the call for your friend as well.
Also they re closing the hostel after the street count, (the count that happens of the number of people sleeping rough), they are deliberately closing the hostel after the street count so that they can skew the homeless figures. What they are doing is wrong, the people here want a bit of stability and consistency in their lives. We still spend 12 hours a days wandering the streets as this hostel is only open during the night but it is somewhere where we can feel safe and relax, it is wrong of DCC to take that from anybody.
I am not writing as well as I would normally as I am concerned that soon I will be back sleeping in the doorway of BT2 on Grafton Street. I am concerned about Quilla's welfare and the inevitable stress and difficulties that arise when sleeping rough. This room which I will attach photos of has become my escape from my the street, I know my way around here and am independent and can make hot drinks, and sandwiches etc.
It occurs to me that a stray animal has more rights than a homeless person. We do not choose to be homeless but there are 43 individuals and a dual purpose Assistance Dog about to be forced back onto the streets. In 2016 this is wrong, this is so backwards. DCC should be opening hostels not closing them. We want to know what they propose to do with us, and to provide us with some level of stable accommodation and safety. The staff here are great and I cannot fault them in anyway. The world needs more individuals like the staff here and they should be commended for the service they provide.
I am also aware that the Bru, (a cold weather hostel on Thomas Street) is due to close imminently with the loss of 102 beds, this means that when this hostel closes as well there will be an increased demand for the freephone as 145 more people will be looking (and in need of) for shelter. The freephone doesn't have enough spaces available at present, yet alone with the increase in demand. Many are still left without shelter, a place to stay or even somewhere to store their belongings or have a shower and relax and FEEL SAFE!
Co-archived Rosemary Amber Fearsaor-Hughes
WHAT DID I DO TO DESERVE THIS?
The following article was sent to me by a lady who wishes to remain anonymous. Her fear is that her elderly parents would find out about her predicament and that they would be totally devastated as her father is terminally ill and doesn't have long to live. She doesn't want him to die knowing that "she failed as a mother and as a daughter by not keeping a roof over her children's head."
The story is told in her own words with no input from me whatsoever . Please read it and let it sink in...
" For months before the case, we had endured endless phone calls, letters and visits from the bank. They would turn up at any time of day or night and often on a Sunday morning at eight am with the front door being hammered out of it until one of us answered it.
The foot in the door and the aggressive tone was the worst thing as it meant the kids could hear every single word that was being said. My 12 year old told me that she used to pull the covers over her head and wet herself with fear. It was never one man on his own, they always came in pairs and more often in three's so that they could maximize the fear factor by walking around the house and staring in the windows where the kids were having breakfast or their dinner. No amount of pleading with these people worked.
They even told me that they were being paid by the bank for every visit and so they were only too happy to take the money and would continue calling as much as they could. They too had families to feed.
The Gardai didn't want to know when I went to lodge a complaint against the bank and the grief I was having from them. The Garda on duty said that it was a civil matter and to engage a solicitor and closed that window without a second glance at me or the kids. I felt like crying there and then but wasn't going to show it in front of the kids as I didn't want them upset and I certainly wasn't going to let that Garda see me upset either. I felt abandoned and just wanted to end it all but knew that I had to keep going for the sake of the children.
In the run up to the possession hearing, I was rattling inside at the thought of having to stand up in front of what they call the County Registrar and explain my circumstances and maybe plead for more time to sort out my affairs. I could not sleep for weeks beforehand. Every night I took hours to fall asleep and then when I did I woke up at 3 or 4 am sweating, tossing and turning with worry. I was drained of energy during the day and the kids suffered from my irritability due to the lack of sleep. I had no one to turn too, no one who could financially help me get out of the arrears.
My parents are elderly and on a state pension. My family are not lucky enough to be counted among the monied class and have their own money problems.
I was physically sick on the morning of the court case and I couldn't control the trembles and shivers that ran through me. I was sweating so much that I needed another shower even though I had taken one only an hour or two previously. I dropped the kids to school and kissed them goodbye at the gate. I then jumped on the bus to the city center and made my way towards the courts. I never set foot inside a court in my life and here was I now feeling like a criminal.
Other people were standing outside having a smoke and talking among themselves. I noticed that they were mainly couples but plenty of single men who were not going to subject their wives or partners to the heartbreaking scenes that I was about to witness inside the court room. I was really shaking at this stage as I took my seat at the rear of the court. I watched grown men up in front of the registrar pleading to save their home, tears washing down the face of one man while the solicitor for the banks sneeringly insists on a possession order being given by the Registrar.
This went on for what felt like hours and the longer it went on the more distressed I became. I felt a huge panic welling up inside me. I really wanted to run away from this place as fast as I could.
Finally my case was called and the solicitor for the bank started talking in legalese and mentioning how uncooperative I had been with the bank, insisting that the bank was within its rights to take my home. I was breathless and found it hard to speak with nerves. The Registrar then said something that I didn't understand but as it turned out this was my first hearing and I would have to come back with a defence or get a solicitor to defend me the next time. The Registrar said it without even looking up from the file in front of her,
Her attitude was stone cold and totally indifferent!
The sense of relief was overwhelming. I stood outside the main door of the court trying not to ask a man for a cigarette. I had given them up a few months earlier to save money but I was so tempted to have just one to calm the nerves. I didn't in the end, I just broke down in tears. A man who had been sitting a few seats away from me came over and said that it was very cheeky of the solicitor to look for possession when he knew that it was your first time up. He said that they will try every trick in the book to get your house.
Since then through Facebook, I have learned of people who help people in my position and have gone to see them. They are angels in disguise and have helped me to no end. They took nothing off me except a jar of coffee and some teabags. What they gave in return can never be paid for by me or my family.
I only have one question for the politicians.
When are you going to get rid of or at least change the "eviction act" that has given the banks a free reign to evict me out of my home? Why is there no NAMA for the little people? Why is their no mechanism to take the cases out of the courts and sort the problem out as was done for the big developers, by creating a super agency that deals with each case on its own merits?
Is that too much to ask or is it a case of us becoming cannon fodder for the legal and banking professions?"
Anne C. (not her real name)
The following article was sent to me by a lady who wishes to remain anonymous. Her fear is that her elderly parents would find out about her predicament and that they would be totally devastated as her father is terminally ill and doesn't have long to live. She doesn't want him to die knowing that "she failed as a mother and as a daughter by not keeping a roof over her children's head."
The story is told in her own words with no input from me whatsoever . Please read it and let it sink in...
" For months before the case, we had endured endless phone calls, letters and visits from the bank. They would turn up at any time of day or night and often on a Sunday morning at eight am with the front door being hammered out of it until one of us answered it.
The foot in the door and the aggressive tone was the worst thing as it meant the kids could hear every single word that was being said. My 12 year old told me that she used to pull the covers over her head and wet herself with fear. It was never one man on his own, they always came in pairs and more often in three's so that they could maximize the fear factor by walking around the house and staring in the windows where the kids were having breakfast or their dinner. No amount of pleading with these people worked.
They even told me that they were being paid by the bank for every visit and so they were only too happy to take the money and would continue calling as much as they could. They too had families to feed.
The Gardai didn't want to know when I went to lodge a complaint against the bank and the grief I was having from them. The Garda on duty said that it was a civil matter and to engage a solicitor and closed that window without a second glance at me or the kids. I felt like crying there and then but wasn't going to show it in front of the kids as I didn't want them upset and I certainly wasn't going to let that Garda see me upset either. I felt abandoned and just wanted to end it all but knew that I had to keep going for the sake of the children.
In the run up to the possession hearing, I was rattling inside at the thought of having to stand up in front of what they call the County Registrar and explain my circumstances and maybe plead for more time to sort out my affairs. I could not sleep for weeks beforehand. Every night I took hours to fall asleep and then when I did I woke up at 3 or 4 am sweating, tossing and turning with worry. I was drained of energy during the day and the kids suffered from my irritability due to the lack of sleep. I had no one to turn too, no one who could financially help me get out of the arrears.
My parents are elderly and on a state pension. My family are not lucky enough to be counted among the monied class and have their own money problems.
I was physically sick on the morning of the court case and I couldn't control the trembles and shivers that ran through me. I was sweating so much that I needed another shower even though I had taken one only an hour or two previously. I dropped the kids to school and kissed them goodbye at the gate. I then jumped on the bus to the city center and made my way towards the courts. I never set foot inside a court in my life and here was I now feeling like a criminal.
Other people were standing outside having a smoke and talking among themselves. I noticed that they were mainly couples but plenty of single men who were not going to subject their wives or partners to the heartbreaking scenes that I was about to witness inside the court room. I was really shaking at this stage as I took my seat at the rear of the court. I watched grown men up in front of the registrar pleading to save their home, tears washing down the face of one man while the solicitor for the banks sneeringly insists on a possession order being given by the Registrar.
This went on for what felt like hours and the longer it went on the more distressed I became. I felt a huge panic welling up inside me. I really wanted to run away from this place as fast as I could.
Finally my case was called and the solicitor for the bank started talking in legalese and mentioning how uncooperative I had been with the bank, insisting that the bank was within its rights to take my home. I was breathless and found it hard to speak with nerves. The Registrar then said something that I didn't understand but as it turned out this was my first hearing and I would have to come back with a defence or get a solicitor to defend me the next time. The Registrar said it without even looking up from the file in front of her,
Her attitude was stone cold and totally indifferent!
The sense of relief was overwhelming. I stood outside the main door of the court trying not to ask a man for a cigarette. I had given them up a few months earlier to save money but I was so tempted to have just one to calm the nerves. I didn't in the end, I just broke down in tears. A man who had been sitting a few seats away from me came over and said that it was very cheeky of the solicitor to look for possession when he knew that it was your first time up. He said that they will try every trick in the book to get your house.
Since then through Facebook, I have learned of people who help people in my position and have gone to see them. They are angels in disguise and have helped me to no end. They took nothing off me except a jar of coffee and some teabags. What they gave in return can never be paid for by me or my family.
I only have one question for the politicians.
When are you going to get rid of or at least change the "eviction act" that has given the banks a free reign to evict me out of my home? Why is there no NAMA for the little people? Why is their no mechanism to take the cases out of the courts and sort the problem out as was done for the big developers, by creating a super agency that deals with each case on its own merits?
Is that too much to ask or is it a case of us becoming cannon fodder for the legal and banking professions?"
Anne C. (not her real name)
Co-archived Liam Deegan
" For months before the case, we had endured endless phone calls, letters and visits from the bank. They would turn up at any time of day or night and often on a Sunday morning at eight am with the front door being hammered out of it until one of us answered it.
The foot in the door and the aggressive tone was the worst thing as it meant the kids could hear every single word that was being said. My 12 year old told me that she used to pull the covers over her head and wet herself with fear. It was never one man on his own, they always came in pairs and more often in three's, so that they could maximize the fear factor by walking around the house and staring in the windows where the kids were having breakfast or their dinner. No amount of pleading with these people worked.
They even told me that they were being paid by the bank for every visit and so they were only too happy to take the money and would continue calling as much as they could. They too had families to feed.
The Gardai didn't want to know when I went to lodge a complaint against the bank and the grief I was having from them. The Garda on duty said that it was a civil matter and to engage a solicitor and closed that window without a second glance at me or the kids. I felt like crying there and then, but wasn't going to show it in front of the kids, as I didn't want them upset and I certainly wasn't going to let that Garda see me upset either. I felt abandoned and just wanted to end it all but knew that I had to keep going for the sake of the children.
In the run up to the possession hearing, I was rattling inside at the thought of having to stand up in front of what they call the County Registrar and explain my circumstances and maybe plead for more time to sort out my affairs. I could not sleep for weeks beforehand. Every night I took hours to fall asleep and then when I did I woke up at 3 or 4 am sweating, tossing and turning with worry. I was drained of energy during the day and the kids suffered from my irritability due to the lack of sleep. I had no one to turn too, no one who could financially help me get out of the arrears.
My parents are elderly and on a state pension. My family are not lucky enough to be counted among the monied class and have their own money problems.
I was physically sick on the morning of the court case and I couldn't control the trembles and shivers that ran through me. I was sweating so much that I needed another shower even though I had taken one only an hour or two previously. I dropped the kids to school and kissed them goodbye at the gate. I then jumped on the bus to the city center and made my way towards the courts. I never set foot inside a court in my life and here was I now feeling like a criminal.
Other people were standing outside having a smoke and talking among themselves. I noticed that they were mainly couples, but plenty of single men who were not going to subject their wives or partners to the heartbreaking scenes that I was about to witness inside the court room. I was really shaking at this stage as I took my seat at the rear of the court. I watched grown men up in front of the registrar pleading to save their home, tears washing down the face of one man while the solicitor for the banks sneeringly insists on a possession order being given by the Registrar.
This went on for what felt like hours and the longer it went on the more distressed I became. I felt a huge panic welling up inside me. I really wanted to run away from this place as fast as I could.
Finally my case was called and the solicitor for the bank started talking in legalese and mentioning how uncooperative I had been with the bank, insisting that the bank was within its rights to take my home. I was breathless and found it hard to speak with nerves. The Registrar then said something that I didn't understand but as it turned out this was my first hearing and I would have to come back with a defence or get a solicitor to defend me the next time. The Registrar said it without even looking up from the file in front of her, her attitude was stone cold and totally indifferent!
The sense of relief was overwhelming. I stood outside the main door of the court trying not to ask a man for a cigarette. I had given them up a few months earlier to save money, but I was so tempted to have just one to calm the nerves. I didn't in the end, I just broke down in tears. A man who had been sitting a few seats away from me came over and said that it was very cheeky of the solicitor to look for possession when he knew that it was your first time up. He said that they will try every trick in the book to get your house.
Since then through Facebook, I have learned of people who help people in my position and have gone to see them. They are angels in disguise and have helped me to no end. They took nothing off me except a jar of coffee and some teabags. What they gave in return can never be paid for by me or my family.
I have questions for the politicians.
When are you going to get rid of or at least change the "eviction act" that has given the banks a free reign to evict me out of my home?
Why is there no NAMA for the little people?
Why is there no mechanism to take the cases out of the courts and sort the problem out as was done for the big developers, by creating a super agency that deals with each case on its own merits?
Is that too much to ask or is it a case of us becoming cannon fodder for the legal and banking professions?"
Anne C. (not her real name)
The foot in the door and the aggressive tone was the worst thing as it meant the kids could hear every single word that was being said. My 12 year old told me that she used to pull the covers over her head and wet herself with fear. It was never one man on his own, they always came in pairs and more often in three's, so that they could maximize the fear factor by walking around the house and staring in the windows where the kids were having breakfast or their dinner. No amount of pleading with these people worked.
They even told me that they were being paid by the bank for every visit and so they were only too happy to take the money and would continue calling as much as they could. They too had families to feed.
The Gardai didn't want to know when I went to lodge a complaint against the bank and the grief I was having from them. The Garda on duty said that it was a civil matter and to engage a solicitor and closed that window without a second glance at me or the kids. I felt like crying there and then, but wasn't going to show it in front of the kids, as I didn't want them upset and I certainly wasn't going to let that Garda see me upset either. I felt abandoned and just wanted to end it all but knew that I had to keep going for the sake of the children.
In the run up to the possession hearing, I was rattling inside at the thought of having to stand up in front of what they call the County Registrar and explain my circumstances and maybe plead for more time to sort out my affairs. I could not sleep for weeks beforehand. Every night I took hours to fall asleep and then when I did I woke up at 3 or 4 am sweating, tossing and turning with worry. I was drained of energy during the day and the kids suffered from my irritability due to the lack of sleep. I had no one to turn too, no one who could financially help me get out of the arrears.
My parents are elderly and on a state pension. My family are not lucky enough to be counted among the monied class and have their own money problems.
I was physically sick on the morning of the court case and I couldn't control the trembles and shivers that ran through me. I was sweating so much that I needed another shower even though I had taken one only an hour or two previously. I dropped the kids to school and kissed them goodbye at the gate. I then jumped on the bus to the city center and made my way towards the courts. I never set foot inside a court in my life and here was I now feeling like a criminal.
Other people were standing outside having a smoke and talking among themselves. I noticed that they were mainly couples, but plenty of single men who were not going to subject their wives or partners to the heartbreaking scenes that I was about to witness inside the court room. I was really shaking at this stage as I took my seat at the rear of the court. I watched grown men up in front of the registrar pleading to save their home, tears washing down the face of one man while the solicitor for the banks sneeringly insists on a possession order being given by the Registrar.
This went on for what felt like hours and the longer it went on the more distressed I became. I felt a huge panic welling up inside me. I really wanted to run away from this place as fast as I could.
Finally my case was called and the solicitor for the bank started talking in legalese and mentioning how uncooperative I had been with the bank, insisting that the bank was within its rights to take my home. I was breathless and found it hard to speak with nerves. The Registrar then said something that I didn't understand but as it turned out this was my first hearing and I would have to come back with a defence or get a solicitor to defend me the next time. The Registrar said it without even looking up from the file in front of her, her attitude was stone cold and totally indifferent!
The sense of relief was overwhelming. I stood outside the main door of the court trying not to ask a man for a cigarette. I had given them up a few months earlier to save money, but I was so tempted to have just one to calm the nerves. I didn't in the end, I just broke down in tears. A man who had been sitting a few seats away from me came over and said that it was very cheeky of the solicitor to look for possession when he knew that it was your first time up. He said that they will try every trick in the book to get your house.
Since then through Facebook, I have learned of people who help people in my position and have gone to see them. They are angels in disguise and have helped me to no end. They took nothing off me except a jar of coffee and some teabags. What they gave in return can never be paid for by me or my family.
I have questions for the politicians.
When are you going to get rid of or at least change the "eviction act" that has given the banks a free reign to evict me out of my home?
Why is there no NAMA for the little people?
Why is there no mechanism to take the cases out of the courts and sort the problem out as was done for the big developers, by creating a super agency that deals with each case on its own merits?
Is that too much to ask or is it a case of us becoming cannon fodder for the legal and banking professions?"
Anne C. (not her real name)
Co-archived Liam Deegan
We are young couple and were tenants in small garden house just behind our landlord’s house. At beginning of our tenancy the house was in a normal condition, freshly painted etc. But after a few days we realised there is huge amount of humidity and dampness and we started to have problems with extensive mould.
Co-archived Dublin Tenants Association
Following the tragic stress related death of a man last Tuesday which can be directly attributed to the banks repossession proceedings against him and his family, I have received information from reliable sources that at least 4 other similar tragedies have occurred within the last few days around the country, all of which are directly related to the pressure being inflicted on families by the banks!
Unfortunately these desperate tragedies are only the ones we hear about. It has been suggested by the many groups who volunteer their help and support to families in similar situations that it’s possible there could be as many as 10 people or even more taking their own lives every single week. The vast majority of these deaths go unreported meaning that the problem remains a very hidden and personal one for thousands of people in Ireland. The fact that this desperate and growing crisis remains so hidden gives TD’s and the Government the perfect excuse for not recognising the problem in any way or even making any real attempts to solve it!
IN RELATION TO THE MEETING which has been organised in Cahir, Co. Tipperary on Sunday night next 20th March at 8pm I have received a number of calls and messages from people who would like to attend but find that the location and time of the meeting is not suitable for them especially as it’s so late on Sunday evening.
It is vitally important that a meeting be held for people who find themselves in the awful situation of being brought to the repossession courts with the possibility of being evicted from their homes by the banks. This meeting should also facilitate the growing number of people who are aware that we are facing the biggest (and very hidden) crisis that has ever happened in Ireland and is possibly affecting 1 million+ people in our country in 2016.
A suggestion has been made that a similar meeting be held in a more central location, possibly Portlaoise as it’s on the M7 motorway and at a more reasonable time, possibly 3pm on Saturday 2nd April. Any such meeting should facilitate as many people as possible.
We are almost on the eve of the centenary of the 1916 Rising when brave men and women fought and died for Ireland’s freedom from tyranny. Right now 100 years later, the people of Ireland are once more being terrorised, this time in their own homes, not by foreign forces but by Irish and foreign owned banks that have received the full support of two successive Irish Governments that have willingly thrown hundreds of thousands of our people to the aptly named vulture funds and banking wolves!
Our time to take definitive action to curb this assault on our people has surely arrived and I would ask everyone that sees this post to make a comment if interested in attending a meeting in Portlaoise on Saturday 2nd April. We really do need to have some idea of the number of people who are interested in attending!
As always I can be contacted any time by call/text on 085 143 2898.
Thanks everyone,
Ken Smollen
Unfortunately these desperate tragedies are only the ones we hear about. It has been suggested by the many groups who volunteer their help and support to families in similar situations that it’s possible there could be as many as 10 people or even more taking their own lives every single week. The vast majority of these deaths go unreported meaning that the problem remains a very hidden and personal one for thousands of people in Ireland. The fact that this desperate and growing crisis remains so hidden gives TD’s and the Government the perfect excuse for not recognising the problem in any way or even making any real attempts to solve it!
IN RELATION TO THE MEETING which has been organised in Cahir, Co. Tipperary on Sunday night next 20th March at 8pm I have received a number of calls and messages from people who would like to attend but find that the location and time of the meeting is not suitable for them especially as it’s so late on Sunday evening.
It is vitally important that a meeting be held for people who find themselves in the awful situation of being brought to the repossession courts with the possibility of being evicted from their homes by the banks. This meeting should also facilitate the growing number of people who are aware that we are facing the biggest (and very hidden) crisis that has ever happened in Ireland and is possibly affecting 1 million+ people in our country in 2016.
A suggestion has been made that a similar meeting be held in a more central location, possibly Portlaoise as it’s on the M7 motorway and at a more reasonable time, possibly 3pm on Saturday 2nd April. Any such meeting should facilitate as many people as possible.
We are almost on the eve of the centenary of the 1916 Rising when brave men and women fought and died for Ireland’s freedom from tyranny. Right now 100 years later, the people of Ireland are once more being terrorised, this time in their own homes, not by foreign forces but by Irish and foreign owned banks that have received the full support of two successive Irish Governments that have willingly thrown hundreds of thousands of our people to the aptly named vulture funds and banking wolves!
Our time to take definitive action to curb this assault on our people has surely arrived and I would ask everyone that sees this post to make a comment if interested in attending a meeting in Portlaoise on Saturday 2nd April. We really do need to have some idea of the number of people who are interested in attending!
As always I can be contacted any time by call/text on 085 143 2898.
Thanks everyone,
Ken Smollen
Co-archived Ken Smollen
This is an account from a tenant (Julie) who recently came to us looking for support. We say ‘support’ because she already knew that we couldn’t do anything for her via formal procedures like the Private Residential Tenancies Board (PRTB). She had found out the hard way that cases like hers are not covered by the 2004 Residential Tenancies Act.
Co-archived Dublin Tenants Association
The Irish Housing Network Newsletter
The Irish Housing Network has been set up by a collection of housing and homeless groups fighting this ongoing housing and homeless crisis. We believe in the basic premise that housing is a right that should be provided based on need. We aim to share information, resources and coordinate action with groups across the island.
The Irish Housing Network has been set up by a collection of housing and homeless groups fighting this ongoing housing and homeless crisis. We believe in the basic premise that housing is a right that should be provided based on need. We aim to share information, resources and coordinate action with groups across the island.
Co-archived Elizabeth Doherty
ROBBING THE POOR AND GIVING TO THE RICH – THE IRISH GOVERNMENT'S HOUSING POLICY
"Banks have been dealing with the issue of home repossessions “reasonably well”, according to Minister for Finance Michael Noonan".
Minister Michael Noonan in an answer to Independent TD Seamus Healy in today's Irish Times, is insistent that his government has played no hand or part in the crisis that is the glut of home repossessions that they (the government) are trying to brush under the carpet.
In response to Seamus Healy's request to Minister Noonan to call off the repossessions by the bailed out banks, Noonan clearly states that the government have not interfered with or politicised any decisions in how they deal with mortgage holders and that the problem is all but solved and that effectively the government have washed their hands of the evocative and contentious issue of evictions.
Perhaps Mr Noonan's own memory has been evicted of human empathy but not only that, also evicted of the memory of introducing the Land and Conveyancing Act 2013 and also taking away of the mortgage interest supplement which made the difference between staying in the family home or facing the all too real threat of eviction. This protectionism of the banking system which was already bailed out by the same people is allowed to come back for a second bite of the cherry with government blessing.
What Noonan has done is clearly political interference to the advantage of the banking system and to undermine the mortgage holders. Minister Noonan does have the power to stop banks from proceeding as he is the major shareholder in many of them, however this government is trying to squeeze the last drop of blood from unfortunate home owners before the election begins in earnest.
Banks were handed €9 billion of taxpayers money. Money that was meant to sort this mess out and therefore questions need to be asked as to where the money is and why do banks need a third bailout when they have already been the recipients of a forced handout of taxpayer money.
Unfortunately we live in a state that not only encourages corruption but gives it body, courtesy of a government that has put banking and corporate interests ahead of the people whom they purport to represent.
Election time is looming.. Make your vote count and send this government a clear message that the Irish people have had enough of their antics!
"Banks have been dealing with the issue of home repossessions “reasonably well”, according to Minister for Finance Michael Noonan".
Minister Michael Noonan in an answer to Independent TD Seamus Healy in today's Irish Times, is insistent that his government has played no hand or part in the crisis that is the glut of home repossessions that they (the government) are trying to brush under the carpet.
In response to Seamus Healy's request to Minister Noonan to call off the repossessions by the bailed out banks, Noonan clearly states that the government have not interfered with or politicised any decisions in how they deal with mortgage holders and that the problem is all but solved and that effectively the government have washed their hands of the evocative and contentious issue of evictions.
Perhaps Mr Noonan's own memory has been evicted of human empathy but not only that, also evicted of the memory of introducing the Land and Conveyancing Act 2013 and also taking away of the mortgage interest supplement which made the difference between staying in the family home or facing the all too real threat of eviction. This protectionism of the banking system which was already bailed out by the same people is allowed to come back for a second bite of the cherry with government blessing.
What Noonan has done is clearly political interference to the advantage of the banking system and to undermine the mortgage holders. Minister Noonan does have the power to stop banks from proceeding as he is the major shareholder in many of them, however this government is trying to squeeze the last drop of blood from unfortunate home owners before the election begins in earnest.
Banks were handed €9 billion of taxpayers money. Money that was meant to sort this mess out and therefore questions need to be asked as to where the money is and why do banks need a third bailout when they have already been the recipients of a forced handout of taxpayer money.
Unfortunately we live in a state that not only encourages corruption but gives it body, courtesy of a government that has put banking and corporate interests ahead of the people whom they purport to represent.
Election time is looming.. Make your vote count and send this government a clear message that the Irish people have had enough of their antics!
Co-archived Liam Deegan
This building was laying vacant and abandoned in the heart of our capital city for over a decade, left to wreck and ruin. About a year ago, a group of squatters entered and spent months renovating the premises and restoring life to the building. They proceeded to open the premises to the public for meetings, workshops, gigs, etc. They ran a café, a library and a computer room and provided a space open to the public, free to use.
Elsewhere, Dublin is filled with glittery shops and profit machinery breathing in and out profit-seeking machine people. Spaces like The Barricade Inn offered an alternative. The group that opened this space also had the audacity to challenge Ireland’s housing crisis head-on by placing their own bodies in the politico-legal grey zone of private property rights versus common sense.
Following in the tradition of political action taken by groups such as the Dublin Housing Action Committee (DHAC) – an organization which emerged during the 1960’s to tackle similar problems of unaffordable housing and perceived injustices as a large number of properties then too stood empty in the capital in the midst of a housing crisis – activists at the Barricade Inn took up residency in the newly opened building. The same struggle continues to this day. I quote an excerpt from the DHAC, Bulletin No 1, 19691;
“Laws that allow and encourage landlords to knock down sound houses or leave them idle during a housing emergency are immoral, and the courts and judges that uphold them are in contempt of justice.
“Throughout the city of Dublin there are hundreds of flats and houses lying idle (vacant possession being more important and profitable than housing families) while 10,000 families are homeless. For this reason we call on all homeless families to join the DHAC and to occupy all vacant private accommodation...
“The high increase of property value in Dublin is being exploited to the full by the landlords and speculators. These landlords feed off the desperate need of Dublin’s homeless for accommodation…”
What is needed is a change. We need not simply crush the rentier class, as a gardener crushes the common garden snail between forefinger and thumb in the creation of a perfect garden… as appealing and all as that fantasy may sound – to destroy the parasite that feeds upon the masses – the problem we face runs deeper than that. What is required is a more fundamental, more radical reorganisation of our society and its politico-economic constellation. But there is little point in evoking the word “Revolution” without concrete and reasonable objectives to stand upon.
Perhaps affordable housing or innovative cultural space within our city is such a reasonable objective… I mean, what else is going to be done with buildings such as this?
Your sincerely,
etc
Elsewhere, Dublin is filled with glittery shops and profit machinery breathing in and out profit-seeking machine people. Spaces like The Barricade Inn offered an alternative. The group that opened this space also had the audacity to challenge Ireland’s housing crisis head-on by placing their own bodies in the politico-legal grey zone of private property rights versus common sense.
Following in the tradition of political action taken by groups such as the Dublin Housing Action Committee (DHAC) – an organization which emerged during the 1960’s to tackle similar problems of unaffordable housing and perceived injustices as a large number of properties then too stood empty in the capital in the midst of a housing crisis – activists at the Barricade Inn took up residency in the newly opened building. The same struggle continues to this day. I quote an excerpt from the DHAC, Bulletin No 1, 19691;
“Laws that allow and encourage landlords to knock down sound houses or leave them idle during a housing emergency are immoral, and the courts and judges that uphold them are in contempt of justice.
“Throughout the city of Dublin there are hundreds of flats and houses lying idle (vacant possession being more important and profitable than housing families) while 10,000 families are homeless. For this reason we call on all homeless families to join the DHAC and to occupy all vacant private accommodation...
“The high increase of property value in Dublin is being exploited to the full by the landlords and speculators. These landlords feed off the desperate need of Dublin’s homeless for accommodation…”
What is needed is a change. We need not simply crush the rentier class, as a gardener crushes the common garden snail between forefinger and thumb in the creation of a perfect garden… as appealing and all as that fantasy may sound – to destroy the parasite that feeds upon the masses – the problem we face runs deeper than that. What is required is a more fundamental, more radical reorganisation of our society and its politico-economic constellation. But there is little point in evoking the word “Revolution” without concrete and reasonable objectives to stand upon.
Perhaps affordable housing or innovative cultural space within our city is such a reasonable objective… I mean, what else is going to be done with buildings such as this?
Your sincerely,
etc
Co-archived Bodger
The Irish Housing Network: A Radical Common Sense (Part 1)
Radical Beginnings – Forming the Irish Housing Network
This is the first of a four part series on the Irish housing crisis and fight back against it; focusing on the rise of the Irish Housing Network. This first part introduces the housing crisis and traditions of resistance, before then exploring why and how the Irish Housing Network came into being.
Radical Beginnings – Forming the Irish Housing Network
This is the first of a four part series on the Irish housing crisis and fight back against it; focusing on the rise of the Irish Housing Network. This first part introduces the housing crisis and traditions of resistance, before then exploring why and how the Irish Housing Network came into being.
The Irish Housing Network: A Radical Common Sense (Part 2)
First Actions and the Bolt Hostel Occupation
This is the second of a four part series on the Irish housing crisis and fight back against it; focusing on the rise of the Irish Housing Network. This second part looks at the first network actions and then the Bolt Hostel occupation
First Actions and the Bolt Hostel Occupation
This is the second of a four part series on the Irish housing crisis and fight back against it; focusing on the rise of the Irish Housing Network. This second part looks at the first network actions and then the Bolt Hostel occupation
The Irish Housing Network: A Radical Common Sense (Part 3)
The fightback grows
This is the third of a four part series on the Irish housing crisis and fight back against it; focusing on the rise of the Irish Housing Network. The third part focuses on recovering and building after the Bolt and challenges of political strategy.
The fightback grows
This is the third of a four part series on the Irish housing crisis and fight back against it; focusing on the rise of the Irish Housing Network. The third part focuses on recovering and building after the Bolt and challenges of political strategy.
The Irish Housing Network: A Radical Common Sense (Part 4)
Where to Now for the Irish Housing Network?
This is the final of a four part series on the Irish housing crisis and fight back against it; focusing on the rise of the Irish Housing Network. The final part focuses on the challenges of the New Year and where to next?
Where to Now for the Irish Housing Network?
This is the final of a four part series on the Irish housing crisis and fight back against it; focusing on the rise of the Irish Housing Network. The final part focuses on the challenges of the New Year and where to next?
Co-archived Radical Whispers
Last Friday on one of coldest nights of the year, 17 families were evicted from a Traveller local authority halting site that had been decommissioned by Louth County Council.
Families were given just hours to pack their belongings and either remove their caravans or mobile homes themselves or face them being impounded and having to pay €1,000 to get them back.
All families, including a mother and newborn baby, must be gone by tomorrow. The council have not arranged alternative accommodation for these families and now, they like hundreds of others will be made homeless.
Until Traveller specific accommodation is built, we are calling on Louth County Council to treat people with dignity and respect and to provide alternative accommodation for the Travelling community of Woodland Park.
Families were given just hours to pack their belongings and either remove their caravans or mobile homes themselves or face them being impounded and having to pay €1,000 to get them back.
All families, including a mother and newborn baby, must be gone by tomorrow. The council have not arranged alternative accommodation for these families and now, they like hundreds of others will be made homeless.
Until Traveller specific accommodation is built, we are calling on Louth County Council to treat people with dignity and respect and to provide alternative accommodation for the Travelling community of Woodland Park.
Co-archived John Connors